NOTES

[1] — Translation of the “Chronica dos reis de Bisnaga”, written by Domingos Paes and Fernao Nunes about 1520 and 1535, respectively, with historical introduction. Includes bibliographical references.

[2] — The letters from China were copied by a different hand.

[3] — Barros was apparently never himself in India, but held an official position in the India Office in Lisbon. His work was completed in four Decadas. Couto repeats the fourth DECADA of Barros, and continues the history in eight more DECADAS. The first three DECADAS of Barros were published in A.D. 1552, 1553, and 1563, bringing the history down to 1527, under the title of DOS FEITOS QUE OS PORTUGUESES FIZERAM NO DESCUBRIMENTO E CONQUISTA DOS MARES E TERRAS DO ORIENTE. His fourth DECADA, published by Couto, dealt with the period A.D. 1527 to 1539, and contained an account of the events that occurred during the governorships of Lopo Vaz de Sampaio and Nuno da Cunha. Couto’s own eight DECADAS covered the subsequent period down to 1600. The combined work is generally called the DA ASIA. Couto completed his publication in 1614. The fourth DECADA was published in 1602, the fifth in 1612, the sixth in 1614, the seventh in 1616, the year of his death. Couto spent almost all his life in India, for which country he embarked in 1556.

[4] — CHRONICA DOS REIS DE BISNAGA, by David Lopes, S.S.G.L. Lisbon, 1897: at the National Press. The extract given is taken from his Introduction, p. lxxxvi.

[5] — Firishtah was a Persian of good family, and was born about 1570 A.D. Early in his life he was taken by his father to India, and resided all his life at the Court of the Nizam Shahs of Ahmadnagar, rejoicing in royal patronage. He appears to have begun to compile his historical works at an early age, since his account of the Bijapur kings was finished in 1596. He appears to have died not long after the year 1611, which is the latest date referred to in any of his writings.

[6] — According to tradition the wealth carried off was something fabulous. See Appendix B.

[7] — It is highly probable that amongst the hills and crags about the upper fortress of Anegundi there may be found remains of a date long prior to the fourteenth century; and it is much to be regretted that up to now no scientific examination of that tract, which lies in the present territories of Haidarabad, has been carried out. Want of leisure always prevented my undertaking any exploration north of the river; but from the heights of Vijayanagar on the south side I often looked wistfully at the long lines of fortification visible on the hills opposite. It is to be hoped that ere long the Government of Madras may place us in possession of a complete map of Vijayanagar and its environs, showing the whole area enclosed by the outermost line of fortifications, and including the outworks and suburbs. Hospett and Anegundi were both part of the great city in its palmy days, and Kampli appears to have been a sort of outpost.

[8] — Nuniz erroneously gives the date as 1230. The error will be commented on hereafter.

[9] — Scott, i. 45, 46.

[10] — Delhi.

[11] — The Portuguese historians often mistook “Cambay” for the name of the country, and “Gujarat” for one of its dependencies.

[12] — SIC. The meaning is doubtful.

[13] — There is evidently a confusion here between tales of the doings of Muhammad Taghlaq and much older legends of Rama’s Bridge and his army of monkeys.

[14] — Mallik Naib. (See the chronicle below, pp. 296, 297.)

[15] — “Your honour” was probably the historian Barros (see preface).

[16] — Sheik Ismail’s power in Persia dates from early in the sixteenth century. Duarte Barbosa, who was in India in 1514 and wrote in 1516, mentions him as contemporary. He had subjugated Eastern Persia by that time and founded the Shiah religion. Barbosa writes: “He is a Moor and a young man,” and states that he was not of royal lineage (Hakluyt edit. p. 38). Nuniz was thus guilty of an anachronism, but he describes Persia as he knew it.

[17] — “Chronicle of the Pathan Kings of Delhi,” by Edward Thomas, p. 200.

[18] — Firishtah (Briggs, i. 413).

[19] — Elphinstone, “History of India,” ii. 62.

[20] — Lee’s translation, p. 144.

[21] — Sir H. Elliot’s “History of India,” iii. 215.

[22] — If we add together the number of years of the reigns of kings of Vijayanagar given by Nuniz prior to that of Krishna Deva Raya (“Crisnarao”), we find that the total is 180 (Senhor Lopes, Introduction, p. lxx.). The date of the beginning of the reign of Krishna Deva Raya is known to be 1509 — 10 A.D.; whence we obtain 1379 — 80 A.D. as the foundation of the empire in the person of “Dehorao” according to the chronicle. This is not quite accurate, but it helps to prove that “1230” is a century too early.

[23] — Batuta was a native of Tangiers, his name being Sheik Abu’ Abdullah Muhammad. He arrived at the Indus on the 1 Muharram A.H. 734 (September 12, 1333 A.D.), and he seems to have resided in India till 1342.

[24] — The narrative is given in the French translation of Ibn Batuta’s travels, by Defremery and Sanguinetti (vol. iii. pp. 318 — 320). See also Sir Henry Elliot’s “History of India” (vol. iii. pp. 615 — 616).

[25] — Firishtah’s account is somewhat different, and he gives the date A.H. 739, or July 20, 1338, to July 9, 1339. But I consider the narrative of Ibn Batuta to be far the most reliable, since he wrote from personal experience, while Firishtah compiled his story two and a half centuries later.

[26] — This was Ghiyas-ud-din Bahadur Bura of Bengal, mentioned above.

[27] — This tale is told of the rise of almost every kingdom, principality, or large zamindari in Southern India, the usual variant being the discovery of a hidden treasure.

[28] — I think that there can be little doubt that this derivation, though often given, is erroneous, and that the name was “City of Victory,” not “City of Learning,” — VIJAYA, not VIDYA. VYDIAJUNA evidently represents VIDYARJUNA.

[29] — Buchanan (“Mysore,” &c., iii. 110), while on a visit to Beidur in Mysore in 1801, was shown by one Ramappa Varmika a Sanskrit book in his possession called the VIDYARAYANA SIKKA, which relates that the founders of Vijayanagar were Hukka and Bukka, guards of the treasury of Pratapa Rudra of Warangal. These young men came to the Guru, or spiritual teacher, Vidyaranya, who was head of the monastery of Sringeri, and the latter founded for them the city of Vijayanagar. This was in 1336, and Hukka was made first king. But this story entirely leaves out of account the most important point. How could two brothers, flying from a captured capital and a conquered kingdom, suddenly establish in a new country a great city and a sovereignty?

[30] — DECADA VI. l. v. c. 4.

[31] — “India in the Fifteenth Century,” Hakluyt edit., p. 29.

[32] — JOURNAL BOMBAY BR. R.A.S., xii. 338, 340.

[33] — There is an undated inscription, published in Dr. Hultzsch’s “South Indian Inscriptions” (vol. i. p. 167), on a rock not far from the summit of the lofty hill on which stands the virgin fortress of Gutti or Gooty in the Anantapur District, according to which that stronghold belonged to King Bukka. The place is seventy-eight miles east of Vijayanagar.

[34] — EPIG. IND., iii. 36.

[35] — An inscription of 1368 — 69 (Saka 1290, year Kilaka) mentions Madhavacharya Vidyaranya, apparently as still living. IND. ANT., iv. 206.

[36] — See my “Antiquities of Madras,” ii. 8, No. 58; Hultzsch’s EPIG. INDICA, iii. 21.

[37] — Briggs, i. 427.

[38] — This is in itself absurd, and carries with it its own refutation. It would be manifestly impossible for the city to be “built” in so short a time, and, moreover, it would have been sheer waste of time for the Prince to have employed himself in such a way. The sentence was probably introduced merely to account for that city having been built ABOUT this period.

[39] — Firishtah says on 1st Rabi-ul-awwal A.H. 759; A.H. 761 (A.D. 1359 — 60) according to the BURHAN-I-MAASIR. But the author of the latter work says that Ala-ud-din reigned thirteen years ten months and twenty-seven days, which would make the date of his death the 22nd of Rabi-ul-awwal A.H. 762, or January 31, A.D. 1361. He does not, therefore, appear to be very accurate. Firishtah gives in words the length of his reign as “eleven years two months and seven days.”

[40] — Certain inscriptions published by Mr. Rice state that the general who commanded Bukka’s armies about this time was Nadegonta Mallinatha, son of Nadegonta Sayyana. These bear date A.D. 1355 — 1356 and 1356 — 57.

[41] — Called “Nagdeo” in Scott’s translation (i. 19).

[42] — Briggs, ii. 307.

[43] — There is a confusion of dates here in Firishtah; but he definitely fixes the month and year when Muhammad set out, and we may accept it for the present. The BURHAN-I-MAASIR implies that the war against Vijayanagar took place prior to the campaign against Warangal. Firishtah places it certainly after the “Vellunputtun” affair.

[44] — Firishtah (Scott, i. 23).

[45] — Adoni as now called; Adhvani as properly spelt. This is a fine hill-fortress with extensive lines of walls, a few miles south of the River Tungabhadra and on the line of railway between Madras and Bombay.

[46] — We must never forget that the narrative of Firishtah is necessarily tinged with bias in favour of the Musalmans, and that it was not compiled till the end of the sixteenth or beginning of the seventeenth century A.D. The “infidels” are, of course, the Hindus, the “faithful” the followers of Muhammad the Prophet.

[47] — The country in question is a plain composed of a deep alluvial deposit, generally overlying gravel, and known as “black cotton soil.” After heavy rain it is practically impassable for traffic for some days.

[48] — The expression of Firishtah last quoted is deserving of note, as it implies that, according to tradition in his time, the Raya of Vijayanagar had by the year 1366 A.D. become a great and important sovereign.

[49] — Briggs (ii. 312, n.) considers it unlikely that the armies could have possessed artillery at so early a date.

[50] — Scott’s edit., i. 27.

[51] — Briggs gives the name as Bhoj-Mul. He MAY be the Mallayya or Mallinatha mentioned above (p. 31, note).

[52] — Sacred animals to the Hindus.

[53] — About forty-two miles.

[54] — The Tiger-Hunter.

[55] — 19th Zilkada A.H. 776 (Firishtah). The BURHAN-I MAASIR says in A.H. 775.

[56] — The BURHAN-I MAASIR calls the Raya “Kapazah.” Major King says that even the vowel marks are given, and there can be no doubt about the name. I venture to hazard a conjecture that if the word had been written “Pakazah,” transposing the first two consonants — a mistake occasionally made by writers dealing with, to them, outlandish names — the sound of the word would suggest Bukka Shah. There is no name that I have met with amongst those borne by the kings of Vijayanagar in the remotest degree resembling “Kapazah.”

[57] — Firishtah relates a story which is hardly sufficient to account for Bukka’s faint-heartedness. He says that Mujahid went one day while on the march after a man-eating tiger of great ferocity, and shot it with a single arrow through the heart. “The idolaters, upon hearing of this exploit, were struck with dread.” At the present day, at least, there are no tigers in the country between Adoni and Vijayanagar, though panthers are plentiful enough.

[58] — Firishtah, ii. 332 n.

[59] — A French map of A.D. 1652, published by Mr. Danvers (“Portuguese in India,” end of vol. i), shows at this spot “C. de Rames,” but the modern Ordnance Map has no place of that name in the vicinity.

[60] — It should be noted that Firishtah has previously described Mujahid, though he was then only about twenty years old, an a remarkably powerful man. He states that at the age of fourteen he had broken the neck of an opponent in a wrestling match.

[61] — Probably Marappa or Muddappa.

[62] — It will be seen hereafter that the kingdom was divided into provinces, held by nobles an condition of maintaining large armies ready for service at any moment.

[63] — Some authorities say that Daud was Mujahid’s cousin.

[64] — “Dhunna Sodra” is, I think, a lake or tank in the plain on the eastern edge of the Vijayanagar hills, close under a lofty hill called, in the Trigonometrical Survey Taluq map, “Dannsundram,” for (probably) Dharma Samudram. On the summit of this hill is a great Trigonometrical Survey pillar. The hill is 500 feet high, and lies within the limits of the village of Kanvi Timmapuram. Commanding, as it does, the route by which a force issuing from the capital would attempt, by rounding the hills, to cut off the only line of retreat open to the invaders towards the north east, the importance of the post to the Muhammadan army could not be over estimated.

[65] — Senhor Lopes tells me that he recently found in the archives of the Torre do Tombo in Lisbon (CORPO CHRONOLOGICO, Part iii. packet 11, No. 107) a copy of a copper-plate grant which was executed by the chief of Goa in A.D. 1391 in the name of “Virahariar,” king of Vijayanagar, the suzerain. This was “Vira” Harihara II. It was copied in A.D. 1532, and translated into Portuguese.

[66] — Probably Belgaum.

[67] — The Tulu-ghat, or the Tulu country on the Malabar coast.

[68] — Compare the passage in the Chronicle of Nuniz, p. 302 below, where, writing of a period a few years later, he says, “The king of Coullao (Quilon) and Ceylon, and Paleacate (Pulicat), and Pegu and Tanacary (Tenasserim), and many other lands, pay tribute to him” — the Raya.

[69] — 17th Zil-hijja, A.H. 779.

[70] — Meadows Taylor, in his “History of India,” relates (p. 163) that on one occasion Mujahid, during his attack on Vijayanagar, penetrated into the second line of works, where there was a celebrated image of the monkey-god, Hanuman. The Sultan dispersed the Brahmans who tried to protect it, and struck the image in the face, mutilating its features. “A dying Brahman lying at the foot of the image cursed the king. ‘For this act,’ he said, ‘thou wilt die ere thou reachest thy kingdom.’ A prophecy which was literally fulfilled. The image, hewn out of a large boulder of granite, still remains, and shows the marks of the king’s mutilation.” I do not know to which image the historian alludes. There are several statues of Hanuman in the second line of works, two of them lying south of the temple of Malaanta Raghunathasvami.

[71] — 21st Muharram A.H. 780.

[72] — The name is generally given as Mahmud, and so Firishtah names him but Dr. Codrington (NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE, 3rd Series, vol. xviii p. 261) points out that the name on all the coins of this Sultan is “Muhammad,” and not “Mahmud;” and this is confirmed by the BURHAN-I MAASIR and two other authorities (Major King in IND. ANT., July 1899, p. 183, note 39). I think it best, however, to adhere to Firishtah’s nomenclature to prevent confusion.

[73] — 21st Rajab A.H. 799. The 26th according to the BURHAN-I MAAZIR.

[74] — See Rice’s “Mysore Inscriptions,” p. 55 (A.D. 1379); JOURNAL BOMBAY BRANCH ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, xii. 340 (A.D. 1399).

[75] — See above, p. 28. Professor Aufrecht believes that Sayana died A.D. 1387.

[76] — “Mysore Inscriptions,” p. 226.

[77] — JOURNAL BOMBAY BRANCH ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, ix. 227.

[78] — In this the king is called “MAHAMANDALESVARA, son of Vira Bukka Udaiyar, Lord of the four seas.”

[79] — EPIG. IND., iii. pp. 115 — 116.

[80] — OP. CIT., p. 119.

[81] — 17th Ramazan A.H. 799 (Firishtah).

[82] — 23rd Safar A.H. 800 (Firishtah).

[83] — EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, iii. 36, N. 3.

[84] — Firishtah (Scott, p. 76).

[85] — Rather, I think, basket-boats. These are described in the text of Paes (below, p. 259) as being in use on these rivers in the sixteenth century, just as they are to-day. They are circular in shape, and are made of wickerwork of split bamboo covered all over outside with leather. Colonel Briggs, writing of these boats (Firishtah, ii. 371), in a footnote says, “A detachment of the British army crossed its heavy guns without even dismounting them over the Toongbudra in 1812 in these basket-boats.”

[86] — These women always accompanied the Raya’s armies. Nuniz says that large numbers of them were at the Hindu camp at Raichur in 1520.

[87] — A stringed instrument.

[88] — Youths trained to sing and dance in public.

[89] — Assessed at “near [pound sterling]400,000” (Scott, Firishtah, p. 79, note).

[90] — “Mysore Inscriptions,” Rice, p. 279, No. 150. Professor Kielhorn in IND. ANT., xxiv. p. 204, No. 304, and note.

[91] — “South Indian Inscriptions,” i. 82 (Dr. Hultzsch).

[92] — We must remember that the narrator is a loyal Muhammadan. Mudkal was in the tract always in dispute between the two kingdoms.

[93] — About forty miles north.

[94] — Briggs gives her name as “Nehal.”

[95] — Briggs says, “In the beginning of the year 809.” This would be the month of June, and the months following would have been unfavourable for the march of armies. I prefer Scott’s rendering.

[96] — Firishtah generally calls this place “Beekapore” (Scott, i. 47, 69, 85, 86 &c.), but on p. 301 he spells the name “Binkapore.” Bankapur was one of the principal fortresses in the Carnatic. It is the “Bengapor” or “Vengapor” of our chronicles. (See below, p. 122.)

[97] — This again points to the Muhammadan camp having been in the neighbourhood of Hospett, south of Vijayanagar.

[98] — “Plates of gold filled with incense and silver flowers.” — Briggs (ii. 386).

[99] — This square is the open space mentioned by both Nuniz and Paes. On the left of it, as the cortege advanced, was the palace.

[100] — Scott has it “Mankul” (i. 90), but Briggs (ii. 389) corrects this into “Pangul,” which is undoubtedly correct.

[101] — His grandfather, Deva Raya I., was young enough at the beginning of his reign (A.D. 1406) to plunge into amorous intrigues and adventures, and he reigned only seven years at most. His son and successor, Vijaya, reigned only six years. Vijaya’s son, Deva Raya II., therefore, was probably a mere boy when he came to the throne in A.D. 1419.

[102] — PINA = CHINNA (Telugu) or CHIKKA (Kanarese), and means “little” or “young.” (See the tale told by Barradas below, p. 222 ff., of the events of 1614 A.D.) The name is very common in Southern India, and was generally applied to the Crown Prince.

[103] — 7th Shawwal A.H. 825. Firishtah, (Scott) p. 95, gives the length of the reign, and his figures yield this result.

[104] — The spot-was therefore probably close to one of the old irrigation channels, supplied by dams constructed across this river under the Rayas.

[105] — It is difficult to reconcile this story with the fact of the Raya’s tender age at this date, for I think it is certain that he was then quite a boy. Is it possible that the Muhammadan chroniclers, from whom Firishtah obtained the narrative, mistook for the king an adult member of the family who commanded the army? Such mistakes were certainly made in later years. The chroniclers seem to have taken little pains to ascertain the actual names of the Hindu kings. It must, however, be noted that a little later on Firishtah speaks of Deva Raya’s son.

[106] — There is no clue as to where this event took place, except that it was not very close to Vijayanagar. The Sultan must have been near some hills with a plain below, because he met with open ground difficult for a horse to cross, in his eagerness to reach a mud enclosure in a plain. The description is applicable to numberless places in the vicinity, and it is useless to speculate. As he was on horseback, it is possible that he was riding down antelope.

[107] — Before Ahmad’s accession, his brother, the late Sultan Firuz, had designed, in order to secure the throne for his own son Hasan, that Ahmad, should be blinded. Ahmad was warned of this and left Kulbarga in time to secure his safety.

[108] — This is the Muhammadan version. Nothing is said regarding this tribute by Firishtah in describing the terms of the peace of 1399 A.D. It is possible, however, that tribute was really paid. It had apparently been exacted by Muhammad Shaw Bahmani, and agreed to by Bukka Raya I. who confirmed the arrangement on the accession of Daud Shah’s brother Muhammad (See above, p. 47.)

[109] — This looks as if he was really paraded with ignominy as a vanquished inferior, and so displayed to the Muhammadan troops. If he had desired to do him honour, the Sultan himself would have met the prince and personally escorted him, as representing his father. Moreover, the prince was only permitted to sit at the foot of the throne, and was taken, almost as a prisoner, for many days with the army till it reached the Krishna river.

[110] — 8th Rajab A.H. 838 (Firishtah). The BURHAN-I MAASIR says 22nd Rajab.

[111] — Firishtah (Scott), i. 118.

[112] — Estates.

[113] — Below, p. 303.

[114] — DANAIK, a word which the traveller apparently took for a proper name, is simply “the commander” — DHANNAYAKA.

[115] — As to Deva Raya’s age see above, p. 63. He had now been on the throne for twenty-four years.

[116] — These words appear to confirm Abdur Razzak’s statement.

[117] — Saka 1348 current, year Visvavasu (“Asiatic Researches,” xx. p. 22; Hultzsch’s “South Indian Inscriptions,” i. 82).

[118] — OP. CIT., p. 160 Saka 1349 current, cyclic year Parabhava, on the full moon day of the month Karttika.

[119] — Hultzsch’s “South Indian Inscriptions,” i. p. 79. Fifth Karkataka Sukla, Saka 1353 current, year Sadharana. The donor’s name is given as Vira Pratapa Deva Raya Maharaya and he is styled MAHAMANDALESVARA, “Lord of the four oceans.”

[120] — OP. CIT. p. 109. They both give the king full royal titles.

[121] — IND. ANT., xxv. 346.

[122] — I.E. the second or dark half (KRISHNA PAKSHA) of the month.

[123] — Hultzsch’s “South Indian Inscriptions,” ii. 339. The date is Saka 1863 expired, year Kshaya, Wednesday the fifth day of the bright half of the month, on the day of the Nakshatra Purva Phalguni.

[124] — Hultzsch’s “South Indian Inscriptions,” i. 110. Saka 1371 expired, year Sukla, Saturday 13th Sukla of the month of Simha, on the day of the Nakshatra Uttarashadha.

[125] — The termination IA is appended to many Indian names by Bracciolini; thus “Pacamuria” for Bacanor, the Portuguese way of spelling Barkur, “Cenderghiria” for Chandragiri, “Odeschiria” for Udayagiri, and so on.

[126] — JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, vol. xiv. Part ii. p. 518.

[127] — Text of Paes, below, p. 281. I have discussed in full the dates given by the chronicler in considering the question as to the year of the battle of Raichur (see pp. 140 — 147).

[128] — The stone balls, generally made of quartzose granite, which are so often found in the country about Vijayanagar on the sites of old forts, were probably intended to be projected from these weapons. They are often called “cannon-balls,” but could hardly have been fired from guns, as they would have broken up under the discharge and have seriously injured the piece.

[129] — About the same time, viz., 1436, Barbaro (Hakluyt Society, “Travels of Barbaro,” p. 58), speaking of his sojourn in Tartary, wrote: “At which time, talking of Cataio, he tolde me howe the chief of that princes corte knewe well enough what the Franchi were … We Cataini have twoo eyes, and yow Franchi one, whereas yow (torneing him towards the Tartares that were wth him) have never a one.” The coincidence is curious.

[130] — The Samuri of Calicut.

[131] — Sir H. Elliot (“History,” iv. 103, note) has “BIDRUR” as Abdur Razzak’s spelling. The place alluded to was probably Bednur.

[132] — This was in A.H. 846, and corresponds to the end of April A.D. 1443.

[133] — Below, p. 253.

[134] — I.E. about seven miles. It is actually about eight miles if measured from the extreme south point of the first line of defence northwards to the river. Razzak evidently did not include the walls of Anegundi, the northern lines of which lie two miles farther still to the north.

[135] — The descriptions are rather vague, but, if I am right in supposing that there was a long bazaar called the Pansupari bazaar, along the road leading from the palace gate to the Anegundi gate on the river, it must certainly have been crossed by another road, and probably therefore a road lined with shops, leading from the Kamalapura gate of the inner enclosure northwards to the great Hampi temple. Close to the gate of the palace proper these roads would intersect at right angles, and would form four separate bazaars or streets. The galleries and porticoes are now not in existence, but the remains in the street running east from the Hampi temple will show what the galleries were like in those days. This last street alone is half a mile long.

[136] — Remains of these are still to be seen not far from the “Ladies’ Bath.” There was a long trough that conveyed the water, and on each side were depressions which may have been hollowed for the reception of round vessels of different sizes, intended to hold water for household use.

[137] — “The DEWAN KHANAH resembles a forty-pillared hall” (Sir H. Elliot’s translation, “History,” iv. 108). I am doubtful as to what building is referred to. The Hakluyt translator’s rendering seems to point to the great enclosure west of the elephant stables, which has been called the “Zenana.” I know of no hall exactly answering to Sir Henry Elliot’s description. The lofty walls with watch-towers at the angles WHICH surround the enclosure referred to would be just such as might be supposed to have been erected for the protection of the royal archives and offices of the kingdom — the “Dewan Khana.” If so, the “hall” in front would be the structure to which has been fancifully given the name of “the concert-hall.” This hall, or DAFTAR-KHANA, would be the usual working office of the Minister and his colleagues — the office of daily work or courthouse, the necessary documents and records being brought to and from the central offices in the enclosure.

[138] — Roughly, twenty yards by seven. It is difficult to understand the height mentioned.

[139] — I give this word as in the India Office copy. The Hakluyt edition has DAIANG, which seems incorrect.

[140] — Officers with staves, generally covered with silver.

[141] — Abdur Razzak writes as if he was standing at the gate of the palace looking eastwards. Taken so, his description seems exact. Mr. A. Rea takes this view generally in a paper published in the MADRAS CHRISTIAN COLLEGE MAGAZINE (December 1886).

[142] — About two hundred yards by fifteen.

[143] — All this seems to have disappeared, but the buildings may have stood on each side of what is now the main road from Kamalapura to Hampi — “behind the Mint,” as the author stood.

[144] — The India Office copy adds here: “He was exceedingly young.” If so, the personage whom the ambassador interviewed could hardly have been Deva Raya II., who at this period (1443) had been on the throne for twenty-four years.

[145] — MAHANADI (Hakluyt), MAHANAWI (Elliot). There can be little doubt as to the meaning.

[146] — The actual moment of the new moon corresponding to the beginning of the month of Karttika in Hindu reckoning was 7.40 A.M. on the morning of October 23, and the first Hindu day (TITHI) of Karttika began at 5 A.M. on October 24. The Muhammadan month begins with the heliacal rising of the moon, and this may have taken place on the 24th or 25th evening. At any rate, Razzak could hardly have called a festival that took place a whole month earlier a festival which took place “during three days in the month Rajab.” Hence I think that he must have been present at the New Year festivities in Karttika, not at the Mahanavami in Asvina, a month previous. Note Paes’ description of the festivals at which he was present. He states that the nine days’ MAHANAVAMI took place on September 12, when he was at Vijayanagar, and the details correspond to the year A.D. 1520. September 12, 1520, was the first day of the month Asvina. The New Year’s festival that year took place on October 12, which corresponded to the first day of Karttika, each of these being the day following the NEW moon, not the full moon.

[147] — About seven yards or twenty-one feet.

[148] — Genealogical table in EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, iii. 36.

[149] — Dr. Hultzsch (EPIG. IND., iii. 36, and note; IND. ANT., xxi. 321). The last is on a temple at Little Conjeeveram and is dated in Saka 1387 expired, year Parthiva.

[150] — Saka 1392 expired, year Vikriti, on the same temple (IND. ANT., xxi. 321 — 322).

[151] — Firishtah says that he reigned twenty-three years nine months and twenty days, which gives this date. The BURHAN-I MAASIR fixes his decease at the end of Junmada’l Awwal A.H. 862, which answers to April A.D. 1458. Major King states that another authority gives the date as four years later (IND. ANT., Sept. 1899, p. 242, note).

[152] — 28th Zil-kada A.H. 865.

[153] — 13th Zil-kada A.H. 867.

[154] — Dec. I. viii. c. 10.

[155] — Below, p. 305.

[156] — IND. ANT., November 1899, p. 286, note.

[157] — Vijayanagar.

[158] — Masulipatam.

[159] — Scott’s translation has “Ghondpore” (i. 166); Briggs (ii. 500) says “Condapilly.”

[160] — This evidently means Kanchi or Conjeeveram; but the story is exceedingly improbable. The distance was 250 miles, and the way lay through the heart of a hostile country.

[161] — Ramazan A.H. 885.

[162] — 11th Muharram, A.H. 886.

[163] — Scott’s translation, i. 167.

[164] — It is possible that one of these towns was Goa, which was taken in 1469.

[165] — Meaning evidently palanquins.

[166] — “Chenudar” and “Binedar” appear to be variations of the name Vijayanagar, called “Bichenegher” farther on.

[167] — This may, perhaps, refer to Belgaum (A.D. 1471).

[168] — Mahamandalesvara Medinisvara Gandan Kattari Saluva Dharanivaraha Narasimha Raya Udaiyar. These are not the titles of a sovereign. (Hultzsch, “South Indian Inscriptions,” i. 131, No. 116).

[169] — OP. CIT., p. 132, No. 119.

[170] — OP. CIT., p. 131.

[171] — Scott’s “Firishtah,” i. pp. 190, 210; Briggs, ii. 537, iii. 10.

[172] — Briggs calls him “Timraj” (ii. 538) in all cases whence I conclude that in this passage Scott’s “Ramraaje” is a slip of the pen. It does not occur again. The former translator in the second of the two passages calls “Timraj” the general of the Roy of Beejanuggur.

[173] — Scott, i. p 228.

[174] — Scott, i. p. 262.

[175] — This is very similar to the story told by Nuniz of the two sons of Virupaksha.

[176] — This again is similar to the tale Nuniz gives us of the minister Narasa and the two young princes.

[177] — Scott, i. p. 252; Briggs, iii. 66.

[178] — Firishtah has told us in a previous paragraph that “dissensions prevailed in Beejanuggur.”

[179] — April A.D. 1493.

[180] — Scott’s note to this is “about one million eight hundred thousand pounds sterling.” Briggs (iii. p. 13) says two millions.

[181] — April 1509 to April 1510.

[182] — Da Orta was at Vijayanagar in 1534, at the same time as our chronicler Nuniz.

[183] — Colloq., x.

[184] — May 20th, according to Barros.

[185] — Published by the Hakluyt Society in English.

[186] — The origin of the name “Sabayo” has often been discussed, and never, I think, quite satisfactorily explained. Several of the old writers have exercised their ingenuity on the question. Barros (Dec. II. l. v. cap. 1) writes: “AO TEMPO CUE NOS ENTRAMOS NA INDIA, ERA SENHOR DESTA CIDADE GOA HUM MOURO PER NOME SOAI, CAPITAO D’EL REY DO DECAN, A QUE COMMUNAMENTE CHAMAMOS SABAYO” — “When we arrived in India, the lord of this city of Goa was a Moor, by name Soai, captain of the king of the Dakhan, whom we commonly call Sabayo.” But Barros must not always be depended upon for Indian names. He explains “Sabayo” as derived from SABA or SAVA — “Persian,” and says that the Sabayo’s son was Adil Shah. Garcia da Orta derives it from SAHIB, Burton (LUSIADS, iii. p. 290) thinks it was a corruption of SIPANDAR or “military governor.”

[187] — I have not seen the original, and suspect an error of translation here.

[188] — Compare the account given by Paes as to his horse, which he saw at the Mahanavami festival, and at the review which followed (pp. 272, 278 below).

[189] — EPIG. IND., i. 366; IND. ANT., xxiv. 205.

[190] — Henry VIII. of England succeeded to the throne on April 22nd of the same year. It is interesting, when reading the description of the splendours of Krishna Raya’s court in the narrative of Nuniz, to remember that in Western Europe magnificence of display and personal adornment seems to have reached its highest pitch at the same period.

[191] — The chief of Bankapur seems to have been a Mahratta. Nuniz calls him the “Guym de Bengapor.” Albuquerque styles him “King Vengapor” about A.D. 1512 (Hakluyt edit., iii. 187).

Osorio writes: — “EST AUTEM VENGAPOR REGIO MEDITERRANEA, CUM ZABAIMI REGIONE CONTINENS” (p. 263).

Castanheda states that Albuquerque, then Governor-General of Goa, sent two embassies, one to Vijayanagar and one to “Vengapor,” as if the latter were independent; and adds of the chief of Vengapor, “His kingdom is a veritable and safe road to Narsinga, and well supplied with provisions.”

Barros speaks of the same event, calling the place “Bengapor” and stating explicitly that its king was “vassal of Narsinga” (or Vijayanagar) (Dec. II. l. v. cap. 3). Subsequently, writing of the chiefs in the same neighbourhood, Barros speaks of two brothers, “Comogij” and “Appagij” (Dec. III. l. iv. cap. 5), and describing Krishna Deva Raya’s march towards Raichur — recapitulating the story and details given by Nuniz — he speaks of “the Gim of the city of Bengapor.” In l. v. cap. 3 of the same Decade Barros says that “Bengapor” was “on the road” to Vijayanagar. “Gim,” “Guym” and other names appear to be renderings of the Mahratta honorific “Ji.”

Bankapur was one of the most important fortresses in the Karnataka country, situated forty miles south of Dharwar on the direct road from Honawar to Vijayanagar. The road from Bhatkal, a favourite landing-place, first went northwards to Honawar, then inland to Bankapur, and thence to Banavasi, Ranibennur, and over the plains to Hospett and Vijayanagar. It was known as early as A.D. 848, and remained in possession of Hindu rulers down to 1573, when it was captured by Ali Adil Shah and its beautiful temple destroyed. Firishtah calls the place “Beekapore” and “Binkapor” (Scott’s edit., i. 47, 69, 85, 86, 119, 301, &c).

[192] — “Commentaries of Afonso Dalboquerque” (Hakluyt edit., ii. p. 73). Fr. Luis left Cochin, travelled to Bhatkal, and thence to Vijayanagar.

[193] — Dec II. l. v. cap. 3.

[194] — See also Castanheda, who was in India in 1529 (Lib. iii. cap. 12).

[195] — As before stated, Firishtah mentions this event (Scott, i. 225).

[196] — Purchas’s summary of the Portuguese conquest of Goa runs as follows: “SABAIUS (I.E. the “Sabayo”) when he died, left his sonne IDALCAN (Adil Khan) very young; whereupon his Subjects rebelled, and the King of Narsinga warred upon him, to dispossesse him of his Dominion. Albuquerque, taking his opportunitie, besieged and … took Goa with the Iland. Which was soon after recovered by Idalcan, comming with a strong Armie thither, the Portugal flying away by night. But when the King of Narsinga again invaded Idalcan, He was forced to resist the more dangerous Enemy, leaving a strong Garrison at Goa, which yet ALBUQUERK overcame, and sacked the Citie.” Purchas’s work was published (folio) in 1626. He merely follows Barros (Dec. I. l. viii cap. 10).

[197] — “Commentaries of Afonso Dalboquerque” (Hakluyt edit, iii. 35).

[198] — The name may represent “Timma Raja.”

[199] — “Commentaries of Dalboquerque,” iii. pp. 246 — 247.

[200] — Firishtah (Scott), i. p. 236.

[201] — “Commentaries of Dalboquerque,” iv. 121.

[202] — “East Africa and Malabar” (Hakluyt edit., pp. 73, &c.). Barbosa was son of Diego Barbosa, who sailed in the first fleet sent out under Joao de Nova in 1501. He gives no dates in his own writings except that he finished his work in 1516 (Preface), after “having navigated for a great part of his youth in the East Indies.” It was probably begun about 1514. He was certainly in the Indian Ocean in 1508 — 9. The heading of the work is “Description of the East Indies and Countries on the sea-board of the Indian Ocean in 1514.” It was published in Spanish (translated from the Portuguese) in 1524. The copy in the Library at Barcelona is said to be the oldest extant.

[203] — This name awaits explanation.

[204] — This probably refers to the highly decorated building in the interior of what I believe to have been the Government offices, surrounded by a lofty wall with watch-towers, and often called “The Zenana” The elephant stables lie to the east of it. The building in question is “No. 29 Council Room” on the Government plan.

[205] — Barbosa in A.D. 1514 mentions this expedition.

[206] — An inscription at Kondavid glorifying Saluva Timma states that he took the fortress on Saturday, June 23, A.D. 1515 (Ashadha Sukla Harivasara Saurau, Saka 1437). This information was kindly supplied to me by Dr. Luders.

[207] — There is a long inscription in the temple of Varadarajasvami at Conjeeveram exactly confirming this whole story, It relates that the king first captured Udayagiri, Bellamkonda, Vinukonda, Kondavid, and other places; then Bezvada and Kondapalle, and finally Rajahmundry.

[208] — Pp 354 to 371.

[209] — Krishna Raya in 1515 was only about twenty-nine years old; but we must not forget the Hindu custom of the marriages of girls while infants.

[210] — If this refers to Krishna Raya’s capture of that place in 1515, it is to be noted here that Nuniz asserts that it was taken, not from the Muhammadans, but from the king of Orissa.

[211] — Firishtah’s account of this is that Ismail Adil joined with Amir Barid in an attack on Telingana and laid siege to Kovilkonda. Vijayanagar had no part in the causes of the campaign.

[212] — Firishtah tells this story of Jamshid Qutb Shah, Quli’s successor (1543 — 50).

[213] — So says Nuniz, but, as before stated, Firishtah differs. In my opinion we must accept the former as correct, for his account is so graphic and detailed that it is impossible to believe that he could have been mistaken. Firishtah did not write for many years later and was much more liable to en on Several Portuguese were present at the siege, and, if I am not mistaken, either Nuniz was there himself, or obtained his information from those who were so. The story bears all the marks of a personal narrative.

[214] — Pp. 323 to 347 below.

[215] — On the Ordnance Map I observe on the river-bank, thirteen miles N.N.E. of Raichur, a plan of what appears to be a large fortified camp, with its base on the river, the average of its west, south, and east faces being about a mile each It lies just below the junction of the Bhima and Krishna rivers, and two miles west of the present railway station on the latter river. What this may be I know not, but it looks like the remains of an entrenched camp erected in some former year. Perhaps some one will examine the place.

[216] — Below, p. 263. “These feasts begin on the twelfth of September, and they last nine days.”

[217] — Below, p. 281. “At the beginning of the month of October when eleven of its days had passed…. On this day begins their year; it is their New Year’s Day…. They begin the year in this month with the new moon, and they count the months always from moon to moon.”

[218] — Below, p. 243.

[219] — “On the upper platform, close to the king, was Christovao de Figueiredo, with all of us who came with him, for the king commanded that he should be in such a place, so as best to see the feasts and magnificence.” (Paes, p. 264 below.)

[220] — Lib. v. c 57.

[221] — TANADARIS are small local divisions of the kingdom, each under its own petty official. A THANAH is a police-station in modern parlance. I can think of no English word exactly suitable, but, as far as area is concerned, perhaps the term “parish” would best express the meaning.

[222] — LENDAS DA INDIA, ii. 581.

[223] — Menezes assumed charge of the Viceroyalty on January 22, 1522. A short summary of Sequeira’s career is given in the interesting MS. volume called the LIVRO DAS FORTALEZAS DA INDIA, of which the text was written by Antonio Bocarro, and the numerous portraits and plans were drawn and coloured by Pero Barretto de Rezenda. The British Museum copy is in the Sloane Collection and bears the number “197.”

[224] — Dec. III. 1. in cap. 4.

[225] — IDEM, cap. 5.

[226] — IDEM, cap. 8.

[227] — IDEM, cap. 9.

[228] — IDEM, cap. 10.

[229] — “Asia Portugueza” of Faria y Souza, I. Pt. iii. cap. 4 (Stevens’ translation).

[230] — Compare Nuniz (text, p. 329).

[231] — These numbers are probably taken from Barros, who copied Nuniz.

[232] — “Asia Portugueza,” I. Pt. iii. cap. 4, sec. 5. “Ruy de Mello, que estava a Goa, viendo al Hidalchan divertido con sus ruinas o esperancas, o todo junto, y a muchos en perciales remolinos robando la tierra firme de aquel contorno, ganola facilmente con dozientos y sincuenta cavallos, y ochocientos peones Canaries”

[233] — “Histoire des Descouvertes et Conquestes des Portugais” (Paris, 1733).

[234] — Danvers, “The Portuguese in India,” i. 347, gives us the same dates for Sequeira’s absence, and mentions De Figueiredo’s presence at the battle of Raichur.

[235] — The corresponding actual new moon day in May 1521 was Monday, May 6, and the new moon was first visible on Wednesday. In 1522 the actual new moon day was Sunday, May 25, and it was first visible on Tuesday.

[236] — Paes says that on an emergency he could raise even two millions.

[237] — “Handbook of Indian Arms,” pp. 15 — 16.

[238] — Above, p. 12.

[239] — OP. CIT., p. 18.

[240] — Below, p. 292.

[241] — Below, pp. 384 to 389.

[242] — Liv. ii. c 16.

[243] — Commander-in-chief.

[244] — Below, p. 333.

[245] — “OMDE ACHAVEIS … HO QUE AVIEIS MISTER.”

[246] — “VERIEIS.”

[247] — “ACHAREIS.”

[248] — Below, pp, 346, 347.

[249] — Below, p. 351.

[250] — Vol. i. p. 347.

[251] — Vol. i. p. 533.

[252] — We hear nothing of this from Firishtah. But we know that the Bahmani Sultan Mahmud II., who died in 1518, had three sons, Ahmad Ala-ud-Din, and Wali-Ullah, the first of whom became Sultan in December 1517, the second in 1521, the third in the same year; in all cases only nominally.

[253] — Dec. III. l. iv. c. 10.

[254] — Correa, Stanley’s translation (Hakluyt edition, p. 387, note; Danvers, “Portuguese in India,” i. 363. The “Suffilarim” is Asada Khan.

Mr. Baden-Powell has published, in the JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY for April 1900, an interesting paper on the king of Portugal’s regulations for, and record of customs in, the newly acquired tracts, dated at Goa in A.D. 1526, and called FORAL DOS USOS E COSTUMES.

[255] — Dec. IV. 1. vii. c. 1.

[256] — Mallik Barid. The Hidalchan is the Adil Khan or the Adil Shah; Madre Maluco is the Imad Shah, and Cota Maluco the Qutb Shah.

[257] — Perhaps this matter ought to find place under the reign of Achyuta Raya, but I mention it here as it may have occurred before the death of Krishna Deva.

[258] — Article “Vijayanagar” in the MADRAS CHRISTIAN COLLEGE MAGAZINE for December 1886.

[259] — “Bellary District Manual” (Kelsall), p. 231.

[260] — “South Indian Inscriptions” (Hultzsch), p. 132; and EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, BY the same author, iv. 266.

[261] — JOURNAL, BOMBAY BRANCH, ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, xii. 336, &c.

[262] — EPIG. IND., i. 398; iv. p. 3, note 4.

[263] — I have broadly declared this relationship, but, as a matter of fact, almost every inscription and literary work in the country differs as to the genealogy of the sovereigns who reigned from this time forward. Nuniz, however, as a contemporary writer residing at the capital, is an excellent authority.

[264] — EPIG. IND., iv. 3, note 4 (Professor Kielhorn).

[265] — Scott’s edition, i. 252.

[266] — These names are discussed below.

[267] — This is apparently an error. The period was only ten years.

[268] — 16th Safar, A.H. 941 (Firishtah).

[269] — Firishtah, Briggs, iii. 374 — 375.

[270] — “Lists of Antiquities, Madras,” vol. i. p. 181 (No. 86), and p. 182 (No. 115).

[271] — Scott’s translation, i. p. 262.

[272] — Below, p. 367.

[273] — IDEM, p. 354.

[274] — Scott, i. pp. 262 ff.; Briggs, iii. p. 80.

[275] — Briggs has it “a daughter of Shew Ray.” Rama married a daughter of Krishna Deva, who was son of the first Narasimha.

[276] — Inscriptions do not give us the name of any prince of the female line at this period. Briggs calls the uncle “Bhoj” Tirumala. Couto (Dec. VI. l. v. cap. 5) renders the name as “Uche Timma,” and states that UCHE means “mad.”

[277] — Here we probably find an allusion to the reign of Achyuta. Rama was the elder of three brothers afterwards to become very famous. He and his brother Tirumala both married daughters of Krishna Deva Raya. Achyuta being, in Nuniz’s belief, brother of the latter monarch, that chronicler calls these two brothers “brothers-in-law” of King Achyuta. (Below, p. 367.) Nuniz says that King Achyuta “destroyed the principal people in the kingdom and killed their sons” (p. 369).

[278] — Achyuta had then been for about six years on the throne.

[279] — If the Sultan’s march towards Vijayanagar began in 1535 — 36, we shall perhaps not be far wrong in assigning Nuniz’s chronicle to the year 1536 — 37, seeing that the author alludes to the dissatisfaction and disgust felt by the nobles and others for their rulers, which presupposes a certain interval to have passed since the departure of the Mussalman army.

[280] — Scott’s edit., i. 265.

[281] — Scott spells the name “Negtaderee,” but I have substituted the rendering given by Briggs, “Venkatadry,” as less confusing.

[282] — Firishtah writes glowingly (Scott, i. 277) of the grandeur of Asada Khan. He “was famed for his judgment and wisdom…. For nearly forty years he was the patron and protector of the nobles and distinguished of the Dekhan. He lived in the highest respect and esteem, with a magnificence and grandeur surpassing all his contemporary nobility. The sovereigns of Beejanuggur and every country observing a respect to his great abilities, frequently honoured him with letters and valuable presents. His household servants … amounted to 250. He had sixty of the largest elephants and 150 of a smaller size. In his stables he had 400 horses of Arabia and Persia, exclusive of those-of mixed breed foaled in India. His treasures and riches were beyond amount,” &c.

[283] — Firishtah’s story of Asada Khan’s life is contained in Scott’s edition. i. pp. 236 — 278; Briggs, iii. pp. 45 — 102.

[284] — Dec. III. l. iv. cap. 5.

[285] — Dec. IV. l. vii. cap. 6.

[286] — Turugel is probably Tirakhol, north of Goa.

[287] — Couto tells us (Dec. VII. l. vii. c. 1) that Rama Raya in 1555 made an expedition against the Christian inhabitants of San Thome, near Madras, but retired without doing great harm; and it is quite possible that the king acknowledged no connection between San Thome and Goa.

[288] — EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, iii 147.

[289] — EPIGRAPHIA CARNATICA (Rice), Part i. p. 176, No. 120.

[290] — I have published a rough list of eighty-eight of these, eighty-four of which are dated, in my “Lists of Antiquities, Madras” (vol. ii. p. 134 ff.).

[291] — South Indian Inscriptions,” vol. i. p. 70.

[292] — Dec. VI. l. v. cap. 5.

[293] — “Tetarao,” “Ramygupa,” and “Ouamysyuaya” (text, below, p. 314).

[294] — Page 108.

[295] — Dec. VI. l. v. cap. 5.

[296] — EPIG. IND., iii. 236.

[297] — Firishtah (Scott, i. 252) states that Rama Raya “married a daughter of the son of Seoroy, by that alliance greatly adding to his influence and power.” If so, “Seoroy” must be the first Narasa The historian says that “Seoroy dying was succeeded by his son, a minor, who did not live long after him, and left the throne to a younger brother.” These brothers, then, were the second Narasa, called also Vira Narasimha, and Krishna Deva. The rest of Firishtah’s account does not tally with our other sources of information. As being son-in-law of Krishna Deva, Rama was called “Aliya,” which means “son-in-law,” and by this name he is constantly known.

[298] — IND. ANT., xiii. 154.

[299] — Vol. iv. pp. 247 — 249, 276 — 282.

[300] — See the pedigree above. The young son would be Venkata, and the uncle, Ranga.

[301] — Who all these were we do not know. The boy Venkata’s uncles would be either brothers of Ranga or brothers of the queen-mother, widow of Achyuta. Achyuta’s nephew referred to could not be Sadasiva, because he survived. He may have been nephew of the Rani. The assassination of the boy-king recalls to our minds the story of Firishtah of the murder of the infant prince by “Hoje” Tirumala.

[302] — Sister, that is, of Krishna Deva. As above stated, Rama Raya, for undoubtedly he is here referred to, married Krishna Deva’s daughter, not sister, so far as we can gather.

[303] — Caesar Frederick states that Rama and his two brothers, of whom Tirumala was minister and Venkatadri commander-in-chief, kept the rightful kings prisoners for thirty years prior to their downfall in 1565. If so, this would include the reign of Achyuta, and the story would differ from that of Nuniz, who represents King Achyuta as free but subject to the malign influence of his “two brothers-in-law.” These two may, perhaps, represent Rama and Tirumala, who are said to have married two daughters of Krishna Deva. They would, however, not have been really brothers-in-law of Achyuta.

[304] — Senhor Lopes, DOS REIS DE BISNAGA, Introduction, p. lxix.

[305] — Firishtah (Scott, i. 271).

[306] — So Firishtah. The Muhammadan historian of the Qutb Shahi dynasty of Golkonda, translated by Briggs, tells this story of Quli Qutb Shah, Jamshid’s predecessor (Firishtah, Briggs, iii. 371).

[307] — The terms of this treaty are interesting, as they throw much light on the political and commercial relations of the Portuguese at this period with the two great states their neighbours.

The contracting parties are stated to be the king of Portugal by his deputy, the captain-general and governor of Goa, Dom Joao de Castro, and the great and powerful King Sadasiva, king of Bisnaga.

(A) Each party to be friends of the friends, and enemy of the enemies, of the other; and, when called on, to help the other with all their forces against all kings and lords in India, the Nizam Shah always excepted.

(B) The governor of Goa will allow all Arab and Persian horses landed at Goa to be purchased by the king of Vijayanagar on due notice and proper payment, none being permitted to be sent to Bijapur.

(C) The king of Vijayanagar will compel all merchants in his kingdom trading with the coast to send their goods through ports where the Portuguese have factors, permitting none to proceed to Bijapur ports.

(D) The king of Vijayanagar will forbid the importation of saltpetre and iron into his kingdom from any Bijapur port; and will compel its purchase from Portuguese factors.

(E) The same with cloths, copper, tin, China silk, &c.

(F) The king of Vijayanagar will allow no Moorish ship or fleet to stop in his ports, and if any should come he will capture them and send them to Goa. Both parties agree, to wage war on the Adil Shah, and all territory taken from the latter shall belong to Vijayanagar, except lands on the west of the Ghats from Banda on the north to Cintacora on the south, which lands shall belong to the king of Portugal.

[308] — Muharram, A.H. 956. But the Portuguese records state that Asada Khan died in 1545 (Danvers, i. 465).

[309] — Danvers’ “Portuguese in India,” i. 465, 466.

[310] — Briggs, iii. 328.

[311] — Below, p. 383.

[312] — Briggs’ “Firishtah,” iii. 397, &c.

[313] — Senhor Lopes has recently found amongst the archives in the Torre do Tombo in Lisbon a paper, dated 1555 A.D., which states that the king of Vijayanagar had consented to aid Ibrahim Adil Shah against Ain-ul-Mulkh and “the Meale” (I.E. Prince Abdullah, called “Meale Khan” by the Portuguese), in return for a present of 700,000 pardaos (CORPO CHRONOLOGICO, Part i., packet 97, No. 40).

[314] — Scott’s edit., i. 284.

[315] — The Muhammadans seem to have always treated Rama Rajah as king. Sadasiva was perhaps too young at that period to have had a son, and the allusion is probably to a son of Rama.

[316] — King Sadasiva was apparently not strewn.

[317] — That Ali Adil actually made this visit is confirmed by the narrative of a Golkonda historian, whose work has been translated and published by Briggs (Firishtah, iii. 402). The story may be compared with that told above of the visit of Firuz Shah Bahmani to King Deva Raya in A.D. 1406, which had a similar ending.

[318] — Dec. VII. l. vii. c 1.

[319] — See also Briggs’ “Firistah,” iii. 403 — 405.

[320] — Firishtah relates an interesting anecdote about this in his history of the Ahmadnagar Sultans. Hussain Nizam Shah desired to make peace with Vijayanagar, and Rama Raja offered to grant it on certain conditions, one of which was that Kallian should he restored to Bijapur, and another that the Nizam Shah should submit to pay him a visit and receive betel from him. Hussain was in such straits that he accepted these severe terms and went to Rama Raja’s camp, “who rose on his entering his tent (he did not go out to meet him) and kissed his hand. The Sultan, from foolish pride, called for a basin and ewer, and washed his hands, as if they had been polluted by the touch of Ramraaje, who, enraged at the affront, said in his own language, ‘If he were not my guest he should repent this insult;’ then calling for water, he also washed.” Hussain then gave up the keys of Kallian.

[321] — Scott’s “Firishtah.” i. 291; Briggs, iii. 406.

[322] — 20th Jamada ‘l awwal, Hijra 972. Firishtah (Scott), i. 295; Briggs, iii. 413.

[323] — Though, in fact, the battle did not take place there, but many miles to the south of the river. Talikota is twenty-five miles north of the Krishna. The battle took place ten miles from Rama Raya’s camp south of the river, wherever that may have been. There is no available information on this point, but it was probably at Mudkal, the celebrated fortress. The ford crossed by the allies would appear to be that at the bend of the river at Ingaligi, and the decisive battle seems to have been fought in the plains about the little village of Bayapur or Bhogapur, on the road leading directly from Ingaligi to Mudkal.

[324] — Couto (Dec. VIII. c. 15) tells an incredible story that Rama Raya was utterly ignorant of any impending attack, and never even heard that the enemy had entered his territories till the news was brought one day while he was at dinner.

[325] — Below, pp. 275 to 279.

[326] — I have seen on several occasions bodies of men collected together at Vijayanagar and the neighbourhood, dressed and armed in a manner which they assured me was traditional. They wore rough tunics and short drawers of cotton, stained to a rather dark red-brown colour, admirably adapted for forest work, but of a deeper hue than our English khaki. They grimly assured me that the colour concealed to a great extent the stains of blood from wounds. Their weapons were for the most part spears. Some had old country swords and daggers.

[327] — Firishtah gives the date as “Friday the 20th of Jumad-oos-Sany,” A.H. 972 (Briggs, iii. 414), but the day of the month given corresponds to Tuesday, not Friday.

[328] — What follows is taken entirely from Firishtah (Scott, i. 296 ff.; Briggs, iii 128, 247).

[329] — Dec. VIII. c. 15.

[330] — An interesting note by Colonel Briggs is appended to his translation of these passages of Firishtah (iii. 130). “It affords a striking example at once of the malignity of the Mahomedans towards this Hindoo prince, and of the depraved taste of the times, when we see a sculptured representation of Ramraj’s head, at the present day, serving as the opening of one of the sewers of the citadel of Beejapoor, and we know that the real head, annually covered with oil and red pigment, has been exhibited to the pious Mahomedans of Ahmudnuggur, on the anniversary of the battle, for the last two hundred and fifty years, by the descendants of the executioner, in whose hands it has remained till the present period.” This was written in 1829.

[331] — Couto calls them “Bedues,” probably for “Beduinos,” “Bedouins” or wandering tribes.

[332] — In this I follow Couto; but the Golkonda historian quoted by Briggs (Firishtah, iii. 414) states that the “allied armies halted for ten days on the field of action, and then proceeded to the capital of Beejanuggur.” It is, however, quite possible that both accounts are correct. The advanced Muhammadan troops are almost certain to have been pushed on to the capital. The main body, after the sovereigns had received information that no opposition was offered, may have struck their camp on the tenth day.

[333] — Purchas, edit. of 1625, ii. p. 1703.

[334] — Couto states that this diamond was one which the king had affixed to the base of the plume on his horse’s headdress (Dec. VIII. c. 15). (See Appendix A.)

[335] — Portuguese ARMEZIM, “a sort of Bengal taffeta” (Michaelis’ Dict.).

[336] — Gold coins of Vijayanagar.

[337] — KULLAYI. See below, p. 252, 273, 383, and notes.

[338] — Dec. VIII. c. 15. I have taken this and the next paragraph from Lopes’s CHRONICA DOS REYS DE BISNAGA, Introd., p. lxviii.

[339] — Writing in 1675, the travelled Fryer relates what he saw of the Inquisition at Goa. I take the following from his Letter iv., chapter ii. “Going the next Morning to the Palace-Stairs, we saw their Sessions-House, the bloody Prison of the Inquisition; and in a principal Market-place was raised an Engine a great height, at top like a Gibbet, with a Pulley, with steppings to go upon, as on a Flagstaff, for the STRAPADO, which unhinges a Man’s joints; a cruel Torture. Over against these Stairs is an Island where they burn … all those condemned by the Inquisitor, which are brought from the SANCTO OFFICIO dress’d up in most horrid Shapes of Imps and Devils, and so delivered to the executioner…. St. JAGO, or St. James’s Day, is the Day for the AUCTO DE FIE.” And in chapter v. of the same Letter he states that, when he was at Goa, “all Butcher’s Meat was forbidden, except Pork” — a regulation irksome enough even to the European residents, but worse for those Hindus allowed by their caste rules to eat meat, but to whom pork is always especially distasteful. Linschoten, who was in India from 1583 to 1589, mentions the imprisonments and tortures inflicted on the Hindus by the Inquisition (vol. ii. pp. 158 — 227).

[340] — Caesar Frederick.

[341] — I.E., they advanced by way of Mudkal, Tavurugiri, and Kanakagiri, a distance of about fifty-five miles, to Anegundi on the north bask of the river at Vijayanagar.

[342] — Other accounts say that Venkatadri was killed in the battle, and that Tirumala alone of the three brothers survived. Firishtah only wrote from hearsay, and was perhaps misinformed. Probably for “Venkatadri” should be read “Tirumala.”

[343] — Firishtah wrote this towards the close of the century.

[344] — “South Indian Inscriptions,” Hultzsch, i. 69; IND. ANT., xxii. 136.

[345] — The pedigree is taken from the EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, iii. 238. I am not responsible for the numbers attached so the names. Thus I should prefer to call Rama Raya II. “Rama I.,” since his ancestors do not appear to have reigned even in name. But I take the table as Dr. Hultzsch has given it. See the Kondyata grant of 1636 (IND. ANT., xiii. 125), the Vilapaka grant of 1601 (ID. ii. 371), and the Kallakursi grant of 1644 (ID. xiii. 153), also my “Lists of Antiquities, Madras,” i. 35 — an inscription of 1623 (No. 30) at Ellore.

[346] — Scott, i, 303.

[347] — Briggs, iii pp. 435 — 438.

[348] — According to the Kuniyur plates (EPIG. IND, iii. 236), Rama III., Tirumala’s third son, was not king.

[349] — EPIG. IND., iv. 269 — The Vilapaka Grant.

[350] — Traditionary history at Adoni relates that the governor of the fortress appointed by Sultan Ali Adil about A.D. 1566 was Malik Rahiman Khan, who resided there for nearly thirty-nine years. His tomb is still kept up by a grant annually made by the Government in continuation of the old custom, and is in good preservation, having an establishment with a priest and servants. Navab Siddi Masud Khan was governor when the great mosque, called the Jumma Musjid, was completed (A.D. 1662). The Bijapur Sultan, the last of his line, sent to him a marble slab with an inscription and a grant of a thousand bold pieces. The slab is still to be seen on one of the arches in the interior, and the money was spent in gilding and decorating the building. Aurangzib of Delhi annexed Bijapur in 1686, and appointed Navab Ghazi-ud-Din Khan governor of Adoni, who had to take the place from the Bijapur governor, Siddi Masud Khan. This was done after a fight, in consequence of the Delhi troops firing (blank) on the great mosque from their guns; which so terrified the governor, who held the Jumma Musjid dearer than his life, that he surrendered. The new governor’s family ruled till 1752, when the country was given to Bassalat Jung of Haidarabad. He died and was buried here in 1777, and his tomb is still maintained. The place was ceded to the English by the Nizam in 1802 with the “Ceded Districts.”

[351] — Briggs, iii. 416, ff.

[352] — “Lists of Antiquities, Madras” (Sewell), ii. 6, 7, Nos. 45, 46.

[353] — OP. CIT., ii 139 — 140.

[354] — The Italian traveller Pietro della Valle was at Ikkeri at the close of the year 1623, and gives an interesting account of all that he saw, and what befell him there. He went with an embassy from Goa to that place. “This Prince VENKTAPA NAIEKA was sometime Vassal and one of the ministers of the great King of VIDIA NAGAR … but after the downfall of the king … Venktapa Naieka … remain’d absolute Prince of the State of which he was Governour, which also, being a good souldier, he hath much enlarged.”

[355] — CARTARIO DOS JESUITOS (Bundle 36, packet 95, No. 22, in the National Archives at Lisbon, ARCHIVO DA TORRE DO TOMBO). Compare Antonio Bocarro, DECADA xiii. p. 296. Mr. Lopes also refers me to an as yet inedited MS., DOCUMENTOS REMETTIDOS DA INDIA, or LIVROS DAS MONCOES, t. i. 359, and t. ii. 370 — 371, as relating to the same tragic events.

[356] — See the genealogical table on p. 214. Venkata I. was son of Tirumala, the first real king of the fourth dynasty. The nephew, “Chikka Raya,” may have been Ranga III., “Chikka” (young) being, as Barradas tells us, a name usually given to the heir to the throne. In that case Ranga’s son, Rama IV., “one of several brothers,” would be the boy who survived the wholesale massacre related in the letter.

[357] — The name “Chikka Raya” in Kanarese means “little” or “young” Raya.

[358] — Chandragiri.

[359] — It is not known to whom this refers. The name is perhaps “Obala.”

[360] — This youth was only a great-nephew of Jaga Raya’s by a double marriage. His wife was niece of King Venkata, and therefore by marriage niece of Queen Bayama, who was Jaga Raya’s daughter.

[361] — BREDOS. See note, p. 245.

[362] — Perhaps Ite Obalesvara.

[363] — Chinna Obala Raya.

[364] — Written in 1616.

[365] — This was Muttu Virappa, Nayakka (or Naik) of Madura from 1609 to 1623. Mr. Nelson (“The Madura Country”) mentions that in his reign there was a war with Tanjore. Nuniz, writing in 1535, does not mention Madura as amongst the great divisions of the Vijayanagar kingdom; and this coincides with the history as derived from other sources. But by 1614 the Naik of Madura had become very powerful, though the people still occasionally recognised their old sovereigns, the Pandiyans, one of whom is mentioned as late as 1623 (“Sketch of the Dynasties of Southern India,” 85).

[366] — Trichinopoly.

[367] — Close to Madras, often called “Melliapor” by the Portuguese, its native name being Mailapur. Linschoten, writing at the end of the sixteenth century, a few years earlier than the date of the events described, says, “This towne … is now the chiefe cittie of Narsinga and of the coast of Choromandel.”

[368] — See above, p. 214.

[369] — “Sketch of the Dynasties of Southern India,” p. 112.

[370] — “He” here is Domingo Paes.

[371] — The “kingdom of Narsinga” is the name often given by the Portuguese and others to Vijayanagar.

[372] — The term here is limited to the small territory of Portuguese India immediately round the city of Goa. Thus Linschoten (A.D. 1583) wrote, “At the end of Cambaya beginneth India, AND the lands of Decam and Cuncam,” meaning that immediately south of the territories of Cambay began those of Portuguese India, while other countries on the border were the Dakhan and the Konkan.

[373] — In Portugal.

[374] — This was apparently the usual route for travellers from the coast to Vijayanagar. Fr. Luis used it for his journey from Cochin to the capital in 1509 (above, p. 123, and note).

[375] — Probably Sandur, about 120 miles from the coast at Bhatkal. Sandur is a small Mahratta state 25 miles from Vijayanagar.

[376] — That is, on the east of Portuguese India, west of the territory of Vijayanagar.

[377] — Unidentified. The great tree was of course a banyan.

[378] — Coromandel. This name was applied by the Portuguese to the Eastern Tamil and Southern Telugu countries. It had no well-defined limits, and often was held to extend even as far north as to the Krishna river, or even to Orissa. Yule and Burnell adhere to the now generally received definition of the name from CHOLA-MANDALA, the country of the Cholas (Glossary, S.V. Coromandel).

[379] — Orissa.

[380] — COMQUISTA COM is evidently an error for CONFINA COM. The same word is used three times in the next paragraph.

[381] — The Adil Khan, Sultan of Bijapur. The name is sometimes written by the Portuguese IDALXA (XA for Shah). We have numberless spellings in the old chronicles, thus, HIDALCAN, ADELHAM, &c.

[382] — For Nizam-ul-Mulkh, or the Nizam Shah, the Sultan of Ahmadnagar. Similarly the Qutb Shah of Golkonda is called in these chronicles “Cotamaluco.” The Imad Shah of Birar is called the “Imademaluco,” or even “Madremaluco,” by the Dutch (Linschoten) and Portuguese. The Barid Shah of Bidar is styled “Melique Verido.”

[383] — The spelling of the name in the original is very doubtful. First it reads ARCHA, on the next occasion it is undoubtedly DARCHA. The third mention of the place calls it LARCHA. But in each case the R is not very clear, and might be an I undotted. Moreover, the C may possibly be an E, and the name may be ARCHA or DAREHA. If we should accept the latter, we may identify it with Dharwar, and believe it to be the same as the DUREE of Nuniz (below, p. 292).

[384] — PRANHAS in original, probably for PIANHAS or PEANHAS (see below, p. 288).

[385] — JOGIS, Hindu ascetics.

[386] — This probably refers to the Egyptian obelisk at St. Peter’s.

[387] — Evidently the god GANESA.

[388] — “Bisnaga,” the Portuguese rendering of VIJAYANAGAR, the “city of victory.” The spellings adopted by different writers have been endless. We have Beejanugger and Beejnugger in the translations of Firishtah; Bisnagar, Bidjanagar, Bijanagher, amongst the Portuguese; Bicheneger In the writings of the Russian Nikitin; Bizenegalia in those of the Italian Nicolo dei Conti.

[389] — BUQUEYROIS. The word implies something dug out, as opposed so redoubts, which would be built up.

[390] — Dakhan.

[391] — This is Nagalapur, the modern Hospett (EPIG. IND., iv. 267).

[392] — This tank or lake is described by Nuniz (see p. 364).

[393] — HUU TIRO DE FALLCAO, a shot from a falcon, an old piece of artillery.

[394] — BREDOS, “blites,” an insipid kitchen vegetable. But as the word is not common, and as Brahmans make use of most vegetables, I have preferred the more general term.

[395] — MACAAS, literally “apples.”

[396] — It was generally called Nagalapur, but Nuniz says that the lady’s name was Chinnadevi (below, p. 362).

[397] — CORUCHEES. See p. 200, note 3.

[398] — GRANDES SUPITOS.

[399] — A mixture, apparently, of MAHA, “great,” and “Shah.”

[400] — The passage that follows is not very clear in the original.

[401] — The word last used is SELLADOS, literally “sealed.”

[402] — ALJOFAR. This word is constantly used in the chronicles. Garcia da Orta (COLLOQ. xxxv.) derives it from Cape Julfar in Arabia, near Ormuz. Cobarruvias says it is from Arabic jauhar, “jewel” (Yule and Burnell Dict.). Da Orta writes: “CHAMA-SE perla EM CASTELHANO E perola EM PORTUGUEZ, E EM LATIM unio, E ISTO NO aljofar GRANDE; PORQUE O MIUDO CHAMA-SE EM LATIM margarita, E EM ARABIO lulu, E EM PERSIO E NEST’ OUTRAS GERACOES DA INDIA moti, E EM MALAVAR mutu, E EM PORTUGUEZ E CASTELHANO aljofar;” I.E. a large pearl is called PERLA in Spanish, PEROLA in Portuguese, UNIO in Latin; a small pearl is called in Latin MARGARITA, in Arabic LULU, in Persian and many Indian languages MOTI, in Malayalam MUTU, and in Portuguese and Spanish ALJOFAR.

[403] — EMGELLYM, sesamum or gingelly, an oil seed.

[404] — This was the great Saluva Timma, Krishna Deva’s minister. The termination -RSEA probably represents ARASA, the Kanarese form for Rajah. TEMERSEA = TIMMARASA = TIMMA RAJAH.

[405] — According to Correa, Christovao de Figueiredo had been sent by the governor, Lopo Soares, in 1517 to Vijayanagar as factor, with horses and elephants (LENDAS DA INDIA, ii. 509 — 510); but Senhor Lopes points out (Introduction to his CHRONICA, lxxxii. note) that we do not know how far this assertion is true. He certainly lived at Goa, and not long after this battle was made chief TANEDAR of the mainlands of Goa, with residence at the temple of Mardor. He was several times in peril at the hands of the Mussalmans, and in 1536 was present at the battles which took place between the Portuguese and Asada Khan of Belgaum, with whom he was on terms of friendship. Mr. Danvers (ii. 507) states that he was also at one time attorney of the factory of Goa.

[406] — This apparently refers to Ruy de Mello (see above, p. 142 ff.). If De Sequeira were meant he would have been called “Governor.”

[407] — HORGAOS. Mr. Ferguson points out that these were undoubtedly musical instruments. Castanheda (v. xxviii.), describing the embassy to “Prester John” under Dom Roderigo de Lima in 1520 (the same year), states that among the presents sent to that potentate were “some organs and a clavichord, and a player for them.” These organs are also mentioned in Father Alvares’s account of their embassy (Hakluyt Society Trans., p. 10).

[408] — PATECA, something worn round the neck. There appears to be some mistake here, as PATECA means “a sort of long robe or gown (worn) in India” (Michaelis’ Dict.).

[409] — Varthema says, “The king wears a cap of gold brocade two spans long.” This was Krishna Deva’s predecessor, Narasimha.

[410] — This may refer to the handsome temple of Anantasayana, a mile or so from Hospett on the road to Kamalapur. The trees still stand in parts.

[411] — FORTALEZAS. Probably the writer refers either to bastions or towers, or to strongly fortified places of refuge on the hilltops. The passage is obscure.

[412] — Four words, TEMDES HUA PORTA PRIMCIPAL, have been accidentally omitted in the printed copy.

[413] — TERREIRO. The gateway here spoken of is most probably the great entrance to the palace enclosure, just to the north of the village of Kamalapur.

[414] — The writer forgot to fulfil this promise.

[415] — POR QUE SAO COMO AS COMFRARYAS que NAS NOSSAS PARTES HAA.

[416] — A MUYTOS NATURAES DA TERRA.

[417] — MUNGUO. “Moong … green gram … a kind of vetch” (Yule and Burnell, Dict.).

[418] — MACHARUY.

[419] — A VINTEM = 1 7/20 of a penny.

[420] — Probably for FANAOS. But the plural of FANAO is usually given as FANOES.

[421] — ESTARNA. “A sort of small partridge with black feet” (Michaelis’ Dict.).

[422] — Here we have the plural FANOEES.

[423] — Povos is a place near Lisbon.

[424] — Anegundi.

[425] — Below, pp. 292, 293.

[426] — The stone bridge, built on rows of rough monolithic uprights, the remains of which are still to be seen near the temple of Vitthalasvami, appears, from the absence of allusion to it, to have been constructed at a later date.

[427] — This clearly alludes to the beautifully sculptured temple of Vitthalasvami, which is in the situation described.

[428] — This word is a puzzle. If the temple be, as seems most probable from the description, the principal temple at Hampe, still in use, I suggest that AOPE represents “Hampi” or “Hampe.” RADI may be “rajah,” or RADIAN may be “rajyam.” The name was perhaps given to Paes by some one who described it as “the royal Hampe temple” and this would accurately describe it. It was dedicated to Virupaksha, and was the cathedral of the great city.

[429] — The word used is ROMEYRA, which may mean either a pomegranate tree or a female pilgrim. The allusion is to the plaster figures and designs on the tower (CORUCHEO) above the gate.

[430] — CINZEYRO apparently means a place for ashes (CINZA). CINZAS are “ashes of the dead.” The reference may be to a place in a church where incense-burners are kept, or, as I think, equally well to the crypt, and this last sense seems better to suit the context.

[431] — SEUS for SEIS.

[432] — The word is omitted in the original.

[433] — BREDOS. See above, pp. 227, 245, notes.

[434] — For a discussion as to the dates given in Paes, see p. 140 ff. above.

[435] — TERREYRO. See above, p. 254. Evidently the place of arms is referred to.

[436] — PORTEYROS, PORTEYRO MOOR. These men are often mentioned in the chronicle. Their chief was one of the king’s most important officers, and I give him the title “Chief of the Guard.”

[437] — I am doubtful about this translation. The word used has probably some technical meaning. Yule’s Dictionary has SOOSIE from Persian susi. “Some kind of silk cloth, but we know not what kind.” The original passage runs: — “Quoanto ao pao, sabereis que he toda chea de sues soajes, e de liois todos d ouro, e no vao d estas soajes tem huas chapas d ouro com muytos robis,” &c.

[438] — CABO. I think this must mean the edge, the front, not the extreme end of the king’s balcony.

[439] — This is given in the singular number, probably by mistake, as the plural is used immediately afterwards AO CAVALLO … OS ENCEMCA.

[440] — TAVOLEIRO.

[441] — PAREDES, probably for “purdahs” (Persian, PARDA), curtains or screens. The Portuguese word means a “wall.”

[442] — MOLHERES SOLTEIRAS E BAYLHADEIRAS, I.E. the dancing girls of the temple and palace.

[443] — LAVODES. See below, p. 276, note regarding LAUDES.

[444] — Saluva Timma, the minister. The name is spelt in various ways in the chronicles of both Paes and Nuniz. Krishna Deva owed his throne to him (below, p. 315).

[445] — The king of Seringapatam at this period was Bettada Chama Raya, who ruled the Mysore country from 1513 to 1552. He had three sons. The two eldest received at his death portions of his estate, but both died without issue. The third son was called “Hire” or “Vira” Chama. He was apparently the most powerful, and the best beloved of his father, since he received as his portion on the latter’s death the principal tract of Mysore, the town itself, and the neighbouring province. After the fall of Vijayanagar in 1565 he became practically independent, and ruled till the principal power was seized by his relative, Raja Udaiyar, in 1578. The word KUMARA (= “son”) is often applied in royal families in India to one of the reigning king’s offspring, and I venture to think that CUMARVIRYA represents KUMARA VIRAYYA, the king of Seringapatam being himself not present at these feasts, and the personage seen by Paes being his son Vira.

[446] — The writer begins again, “But returning to the feasts.” I have omitted the phrase here, as it has become rather monotonous.

[447] — A small gold coin, of which it is very difficult to assess the exact value. Abdur Razzak (1443) apparently makes it equal to the half pagoda; Varthema (1503 — 7) to the pagoda itself; and this latter is the sense in which we must take it. Varthema calls it a “gold ducat.” Purchas says it was in his day about the value of a Flemish dollar. The general value assigned in more recent days to the pagoda is 3 1/2 rupees, or seven shillings when the rupee stands at par value. (See Yule and Burnell’s Dictionary, “Hobson-Jobson,” S.V. “pagoda” and “pardao.” Yule apparently values it, at the period treated of, as about 4s. 6d.) Barros and Castanheda both agree with Paes that the pardao was worth 360 reis. (Below, p. 282.)

[448] — Kullayi in Telugu. See pp. 210, 252, note 2, and p. 383. These women appear to have worn men’s head-dresses.

[449] — The reins were not of leather, but of silk twisted into ropes.

[450] — I read the word in the MS. XISMAEL, and Mr. Lopes suggests that this stands for Sheik (XEQUE) Ismail. If so, undoubtedly Persia is meant.

[451] — LAUDEIS. This word, variously spelt, is constantly used. It appears to refer to the thick quilted tunics, strengthened by leather or metal pieces, which were so often worn in India in old days. They were in many cases richly ornamented, and formed a good defence against sword-cuts. The pillars of the elaborately ornamented KALYANA MANDAPA of the temple in the fort at Vellore in North Arcot, which was built during the Vijayanagar period, are carved with rearing horses, whose riders wear jerkins, apparently of leather, fastened with buttons and loops. It is possible that this was the body-clothing referred to by the chronicler. I can give no clue to the origin of the word, unless it be connected with the Kanarese LODU, “a stuffed cloth or cushion.” Barros, describing the dress of the Hindu cavalry in the Raichur campaign of 1520, says that they wore LAUDEES of cotton (EMBUTIDOS, whatever that may mean in this context — lit. “inlaid”), or body, head, and arms, strong enough to protect them against lance-thrusts or sword-cuts; the horses and elephants were similarly protected. Foot-soldiers carried no defensive armour “but only the LAUDEES.” — Dec. III. l. iv. c. 4.

[452] — LIOES. The meaning is not clear.

[453] — As to this large number see p. 147 ff. above.

[454] — Some details are given by Nuniz (below, p. 384 f.).

[455] — According to the quite independent testimony of Nuniz (below, p. 374) these were the “kings” of Bankapur, Gersoppa, Bakanur Calicut, and Bhatkal.

[456] — For a full note as to these chronological details see above, p. 140 ff.

[457] — The “Guandaja” of Nuniz (below, p. 361).

[458] — All these buildings are utterly destroyed, but there is no doubt that careful and systematic excavations would disclose the whole plan of the palace, and that in the ruins and debris would be found the remains of the beautiful sculptures described. Close behind the great decorated pavilion, from which the king and his court witnessed the feasts described by Paes, and therefore close to the gate just alluded to, are to be seen, half-buried in earth and debris, two large stone doors, each made of a single slab. The stone has been cut in panels to imitate woodwork, and teas large staples carved from the same block.

[459] — FEYTO DE HUAS MEYAS CANAS. I am doubtful as to the meaning of this. Examination of the mass of ruins now remaining would settle all these points. Stone sculptures were broken up and left. They were not removed. (See also p. 288 below.)

[460] — Mr. Ferguson has ingeniously emendated Senhor Lopes’s reading from YINAGEES POR QUE NAS QUE ESTAO METIDAS TO YMAGEES PEQUENAS QUE, &c … The MS., however, which is itself a copy, has POR QUE NAS.

[461] — SAO DE MEAS CANES (see above, p. 285). Meaning not understood, unless it be as rendered.

[462] — This description deserves special notice. The writer is evidently describing a MANDAPA richly sculptured, of which so many examples are still to be seen in temples, and he states that the whole of the stone carving was richly coloured and gilded. This probably was always the case. Traces of colour still remain on many of these buildings at Vijayanagar.

[463] — PRANHUS (see above, p. 241). Probably the sculptures were like many still to be seen in the temples of that date in Southern India, where the base of the pillar is elaborately carved with grotesque figures of elephants, horses, and monsters.

[464] — The gate still exists opposite the Anegundi ferry.

[465] — Krishnapura, where are the ruins of a fine temple.

[466] — It seems clear that this sentence must be interpolated, and perhaps also the whole of the last four paragraphs. For the penultimate sentence could not have formed part of the original chronicle of Paes, written perhaps in 1522, or thereabouts, as it refers to an event that took place in 1535 — 36.

[467] — Elsewhere called “Ondegema.” Its other name was Nagalapur. It is the modern Hospett. (See below, Nuniz, p. 387.)

[468] — This “general destruction” evidently refers to the conquest of Anegundi by Muhammad Taghlaq.

[469] — (See above, p. 8.) The date should be about 1330. Nuniz was here about a century wrong.

[470] — Delhi.

[471] — A common error with the foreigners. Properly speaking it was Cambaya which belonged to Gujarat.

[472] — Muhammad Taghlaq of Delhi.

[473] — Persia (above, p. 10).

[474] — I.E. the Balaghat, or country above the ghats. “The high land on the top is very flatte and good to build upon, called Ballagatte and Decan, and is inhabited and divided among divers kings and governors” (Linschoten, i. 65). Correa divides this part of India into “Bisnega, Balagate, and Cambay.”

[475] — This is the Portuguese rendering of the Adil Khan, or Adil Shah of Bijapur. “Idalxa” represents the latter title.

[476] — The description applies best to the Malprabha River, and perhaps “Duree” represents Dharwar.

[477] — Anegundi.

[478] — He was at that time only chief or king of Anegundi, Vijayanagar not having been yet founded.

[479] — These basket-boats are described by Paes (see above, p. 259).

[480] — I have not been able to identify this name. It is possible that the first syllable represents the word SRI, and that the whole may have been a special appellation of the upper fortress or citadel, on the rocky heights above the town of Anegundi.

[481] — There had been no special war with Anegundi that we know of; but the Rajah of that place had very possibly been directly affected by, if not actually engaged in, the wars between the Hindu Hoysala Ballalas and the rulers of Warangal and Gujarat on the one hand, and the Muhammadan invaders from Delhi on the other.

[482] — See Introduction, p. 13. “His kingdoms” (SEUS REYNOS) refers to the territories of Muhammad Taghlaq, whose barbarities had resulted in the wasting and depopulation of large tracts.

[483] — See above, p. 294, note 1.

[484] — Spelt below “Meliquy niby” and “Mileque neby;” evidently for MALLIK NAIB, the king’s deputy.

[485] — Above, p. 19 ff.

[486] — Deva Raya. This was the general title of the Vijayanagar kings; thus, Harihara Deva Raya, Bukka Deva Raya, Krishna Deva Raya, &c. This first king is given no personal name by Nuniz. There were afterwards two kings who are known to history by the names Deva Raya I. and Deva Raya II., with no personal name prefixed.

[487] — This same tale is told of many kings and chiefs in Southern India. The “Tazkarat-ul-Muluk” (IND. ANT., May 1899, p. 129) also relates it of the Bahmani Sultan Ahmad Shah (1422 — 35), alleging that it was the behaviour of a hunted hare that induced him to make Bidar his capital.

[488] — This was the great Sringeri Guru, Madhavacharya, surnamed VIDYARANYA, or “Forest of Learning.” This derivation of the name of the city is very common, but is believed to be erroneous.

[489] — The large temple of Virupaksha at Hampe.

[490] — Bukka Raya.

[491] — PUREOYRE probably represents “Harihara.” This king was not the first to coin PARDAOS or pagodas. A pagoda of Bukka I. is known (IND. ANT., xx. 302).

[492] — See above, p. 51. There is no name amongst those of this dynasty with which this can be at present connected.

[493] — Ceylon.

[494] — Coromandel (note, p. 239 above).

[495] — Vijaya Rao.

[496] — Quilon.

[497] — Pulicat, near Madras. This was an important province of Vijayanagar in later years.

[498] — Tenasserim.

[499] — PINA = CHINNA in Telugu, CHIKKA in Kanarese, and means “little.” Pina Raya or Chikka Raya was the title applied to the Crown Prince (above, p. 223). The derivation given by Nuniz is plainly wrong.

[500] — Abdur Razzak relates the same story, and fixes the event as having taken place between November 1442 and April 1445 A.D., “while he was at Calicut” (above, p. 73).

[501] — This seems so imply that the nephew of the king had been one of the twenty ministers (REGEDORES) mentioned in the chronicle.

[502] — SIC in orig.

[503] — Virupaksha Raya.

[504] — NARASHIMHA. He had apparently large tracts of country under his charge to the east of the capital towards the east coast. His relationship to the sovereign has always been a matter of doubt.

[505] — Persia (Ormuz) and Aden. The latter were Arabs.

[506] — “Rachol” is Raichur; “Odegary” represents Udayagiri; “Conadolgi” probably is Kondavid, AOLGI for DRUG, a mountain fortress.

[507] — This account of the second Narasa and the family relationship differs altogether from the results obtained from epigraphical study, according to which the second Narasa was elder son of the first Narasa or Narasimha Krishna Deva being the latter’s younger son.

[508] — Pennakonda.

[509] — CF. “Temersea,” p. 250, and note. This, however, was not the man there alluded to, though he bore the same name.

[510] — Later on we learn that this man’s name was Codemerade (p. 360).

[511] — Chandragiri, the capital of the kingdom in its decadent days.

[512] — Inscriptions do not give us the names of any sons having names like these. “Crismarao” probably represents Krishna Deva Raya, son of the first Narasa or Narasimha, and brother of the second Narasa, often called Vira Narasimha.

[513] — Saluva Timma. This man belonged apparently to the new royal family, whose family name was Saluva. He was the powerful minister of Krishna Deva Raya, hut died disgraced, imprisoned, and blinded. He is constantly mentioned in inscriptions of the period.

[514] — Perhaps “Basava Raya,” but as yet no brother of Krishna Deva is known bearing that name.

[515] — Raichur.

[516] — Mudkal.

[517] — Udayagiri.

[518] — Some say uncle.

[519] — In the MS. EM QUE AVIA is evidently a mistake for E QUE AVIA.

[520] — Kondavid.

[521] — I cannot identify this river. There is none such, to my knowledge, twelve miles or thereabouts from Kondavid. “Salt” may perhaps mean brackish.

[522] — Kondapalle.

[523] — Rajahmundry. The first syllable has been accidentally dropped, perhaps by the copyist.

[524] — Senhor Lopes’s “Chronica” has “HU HOME SEU QUE AQUELLE TEMPO D AQUELLE TEMPO MUITO SABIA.” Mr. Ferguson suggests, and with good reason, that for the second TEMPO we should read JOGO. I have translated the passage accordingly. Senhor Lopes concurs.

[525] — The original MS. has TOMARIA SUAS TERRAS — “would take his lands.” Possibly the first of these words should have been TORNARIA, in which case the sentence would mean that the King “would restore the lands” to his enemy.

[526] — I am unable to identify this country. The description of the town answers to Vellore in North Arcot, the fine old fort at which place is surrounded with a deep moat. According to tradition, this place was captured by Krishna Deva Raya from a Reddi chief.

[527] — Blank in the original.

[528] — ELREY DAQUEM.. This may be “the king on this side” or “the king of the Dakhan.” The former seems most probable, and I think that the reference is to the forces of Sultan Quli Qutb Shah of Golkonda (see the Muhammadan account of affairs at this time, given above, pp. 132 — 135.)

[529] — Muhammad, Mahomet, I.E. he was of the Prophet’s kindred.

[530] — The text is confused here.

[531] — The following is Barros’s account of this affair of “Cide Mercar.” After mentioning the terms of the treaty between Vijayanagar and Bijapur, one of which provided for the reciprocal extradition of criminals and debtors, he writes: —

“Crisnarao, knowing that he could catch the Hidalcao in this trap, called a Moor by name Cide Mercar, who had been in his service for many years, and bade him take forty thousand pardaos and go to Goa to buy horses of those that had come from Persia. Crisnaro wrote letters to our Captain … on purpose so that the affair might become widely known to all. Cide Mercar, either tempted by the large sum of money in his charge, or swayed by a letter which they say was sent to him by the Hidalcao, when he arrived at a TANADARIA called Ponda, three leagues from Goa, fled to the Hidalcao from there. The Hidalcao as soon as he arrived sent him to Chaul, saying hat he bestowed on him this TANADARIA as he was an honourable man of the family of Mahamed …; but in a few days he disappeared from there, and they say that the king ordered his murder after he had taken from him the forty thousand pardaos.”

[532] — “Madre” stands for Imad, the Birar Sultan; “Virido” for the Barid Sultan of Bidar. I cannot explain Demellyno or DESTUR, unless the former be an error of the copyist for “Zemelluco” as written below, which certainly refers to the Nizam Shah. Several Portuguese writers omit the first syllable of “Nizam” In their chronicles. On p. 348 below, these names are given as Madremalluco, Zemelluco, “Destuy” and “Virido;” and therefore “Destur” and “Destuy” must mean the Qutb Shah of Golkonda, at that period Sultan Quli. On p. 349 we have the form “Descar.”

[533] — For a full discussion of this date see above, p. 140.

[534] — See above, p. 263, note. His name was Kama Naik (p 329).

[535] — SEUS ALLYFANTES. Perhaps SEUS is a clerical error for SEIS, “six.” Barros, in describing the same event, says “sixteen elephants.”

[536] — See below, p. 360, note.

[537] — Probably Ganda Rajah, brother of Saluva Timma, the minister. (See p. 284, and note to p. 361.) The initial “O” may he the article “The.”

[538] — The great vassal lords of Madura, who after the fall of the kingdom established themselves as a dynasty of independent sovereigns, descended, so Barradas tells us, from the “Page of the betel” (above, p. 230).

[539] — I think that the second C in this name is an error for E, and that “Comarberea” represents Kumara Virayya of Mysore (above, p. 269). Later on Nuniz spells the name “Comarberya” (below, p. 336).

[540] — Above, pp. 40, 60, 122.

[541] — LADES, for LAUDEIS, quilted tunics, doublets. The word is spelt in other places LAYDES, LAMDES, LANDYS, LAMDYS, and LANDEIS. See note, p. 276, above.

[542] — GOMEDARES, probably the modern AGOMIA or GOMIA, “a poignard.” Senhor Lopes refers me to Barros, Mendes, Pinto, &c., where the form used is GUMIA; the word being derived from the Arabic KUMMIYA, which properly means a curved dagger — “UM PUNHAL EM MEO ARCO” (MS. in Portuguese, on Morocco, in Senhor Lopes’s possession).

[543] — See above, p. 270.

[544] — Malliabad, as now called, close to Raichur. The name given by Nuniz I take to represent “Mallia (or Malliya) Banda,” probably the Hindu name. BANDA = “rock.” “Malliabad” is the name given by the Musalmans.

[545] — A small copper coin.

[546] — MINGUO, probably MOONG or green grain (“Hobson-Jobson”). Ibn Batuta calls it MUNJ, others MUNGO.

[547] — REGATOEES D ARTE.

[548] — The total cavalry and elephants of the different columns enumerated above comes to 32,600 and 551 respectively.

[549] — Barros has ANCOSTAO, and Correa ANCOSCAO. The latter termination seems the most natural — CAO for KHAN. The name appears to be “Ankus Khan.” “Pomdaa” is Pomda or Ponda, close to Goa.

[550] — Dom Guterre de Monroy sailed from Portugal to India in 1515 in command of a fleet (Albuquerque, Hakluyt edition, iv. 194). In 1516 he was in command at Goa during the absence of Governor Lopo Soares at the Red Sea, between the months of February and September, and during that period attacked the Bijapur troops at Ponda, which were commanded by Ankus Khan, with some success (Barros, Dec III. l. i. c. 8). Osorio (Gibbs’ translation, ii. 235) represents De Monroy as a man of a very cruel and licentious disposition. He was married to a niece of the governor.

[551] — They believed, that is, that their prestige would give them great moral superiority over the Hindus.

[552] — This passage is obscure.

[553] — See above, p. 327 and note.

[554] — The original has CAVAS E BAUDES. The meaning of the last word is not clear.

[555] — AVYAO DE MORRER PEDIDO AUSA DA MORTE. AUSA is perhaps for OUSADIA, “boldness;” and the passage would then mean that since death appeared inevitable they should meet it half-way, and not lazily await it; they should die like soldiers in a charge, not stupidly standing still to be slaughtered.

[556] — “Sufo Larij,” Barros, Dec. III. l. iv. cap. 5. Asada Khan’s love of intrigue was proverbial amongst the Portuguese of that day.

[557] — COMO QUER QUE ACADACAO TRAZIA QUEM HIA A TERRA. A doubtful passage.

[558] — TOMAMDO A FALLDRA DA SERRA DA BAMDA DO SUL. It would be interesting to learn which range of hills is referred to.

[559] — Salabat Khan.

[560] — See above, p. 251, note.

[561] — LLAVAOCAS, for ALAVANCA, a Portuguese word for crowbar still everywhere in Ceylon.

[562] — FRAMGES, I.E. Feringhees, Franks, or Europeans.

[563] — Saluva Timma.

[564] — Rey Daquym, I.E. King of the Dakhan. This evidently refers to the Bahmani king, who was still recognised as titular sovereign, though the whole country had revolted and broken up into five independent kingdoms. For the names that precede this see note to p. 325 above.

[565] — COMECARAO DEITAR AS BARBES EM REMOLHO. This refers to the Portuguese proverb — “Quando vires arder as barbas do teu vizinho, poe (or deita) as tuas em remolho” — “When you see your neighbour’s beard on fire, steep your own in water;” or guard against like treatment. — D. F.

[566] — This passage appears to be corrupt, and I have been unable to guess at its meaning. Senhor Lopes, whom I have consulted, is equally at fault about it.

[567] — ELREY O MAMDOU VER.

[568] — QUE ELLE TE AMA A TY DIANTE DE TY. The latter words may be an emphatic expression, akin to DIANTE DE DEUS E DE TODO O MUNDO, “In the face of God and all the world.”

[569] — Ante elles should be “antre elles.”

[570] — Mudkal.

[571] — Bijapur.

[572] — TODO A CULLPA DE TALL SER FEYTO POR ASY. Lit. “all on account of his having acted thus.”

[573] — Kulbarga, the ancient Bahmani capital.

[574] — This passage does not seem very exact from an historical standpoint (see above, p. 157, and note).

[575] — Saluva Timma.

[576] — (Above, p. 310 f.) The original text has “E FEZ REGEDOR HUU FILHO CODEMERADE,” but I cannot identify the name with any ordinary Hindu name or title; and if “son of Codemerade” be meant, as I suppose, the DE has been omitted accidentally. If, however, there has been a confusion of syllables and the original reading was “FILHO DE CODEMERA,” then I would point to the list given above of powerful nobles (p. 327) who commanded the forces of the king in the great Rachol campaign, one of whom was called COMDAMARA. In the concluding paragraph of this chapter we have this new minister’s name given as “Ajaboissa,” and in the list of provincial lords (p. 385 below) as “Ajaparcatimapa.” The latter name sounds more probable than the former. The first half would be the family name, the last, “Timmappa,” his own personal name.

[577] — In the passage earlier in this chapter Saluva Timma is said to have had a brother “Guandaja.” Putting the two together, it would seem that his brother and son both bore the same name, probably Ganda Rajah. Paes refers to the brother as being in his day governor of the capital (above, p. 284. He calls him “Gamdarajo.” See also p. 327, note 2.

[578] — CYMCO MENOS HUU QUOARTO POR MIL PARDAOS, or nineteen for four thousand pardaos. The chronicler was a trader in horses at Vijayanagar. Later on he mentions the usual price as twelve or fifteen horses for a thousand PARDAOS (below, p. 381).

[579] — Belgaum.

[580] — The captain of Ponda was Ankus Khan (above, p. 335, notes 1, 2).

[581] — About a mile and a quarter. Nagalapur is the modern Hospett. If the measurement is accurate, this street, leading, no doubt, towards the capital, is now non-existent.

[582] — The Della Pontes are more than once mentioned in the history of the sixteenth century. They were probably an Italian family or Italien in origin, and engineers by profession, the Rialto at Venice having been constructed by Antonio della Ponte in 1588. This, however, may be a fanciful connection. It is possible that both in Portugal and in Italy families may have received that surname in consequence of their skill in bridge-building, or of one of the family having in former days distinguished himself by the construction of a particular bridge. The engineer mentioned in the text is probably the individual who at the end of April 1520 was sent by the king of Portugal to examine into the possibility of building a fortress at Tetuan in Morocco. Dom Pedro de Mascarenhas (afterwards, in 1554, Viceroy at Goa) sailed on this mission from Ceuta, and “Joao Nunes del Pont” is mentioned as accompanying him. The king and the Emperor Charles V. were both at this time anxious to prevent the Moorish corsairs from using Tetuan in future, as they had done in the past, as a base for their piratical attacks on Spain and Portugal. (Damiao de Goes, CHRONICA DE DOM MANUEL, edit. of Coimbra, 1790, vol. i. Part IV. p. 532; ALGUNS DOCUMENTOS DO ARCHIVO NACIONAL DA TORRE DO TOMBO, Lisbon, 1892; pp. 445 — 446.)

In 1521, some time after the month of March, when Dom Diogo Lopes de Sequeira, the governor of Goa, had returned from his expedition to the Red Sea, he was urged by his counsellors to build a fortress at Madrefaba near Goa, as the place contained an anchorage sufficient for an entire fleet. (Correct, LENDAS DA INDIA, ii. p. 622.) Correa continues: “The governor, however, thought better to send in a COTIA Antonio Correa and Pero de Coimbra, his chief pilot, to inspect the river of Madrefaba and measure the water on the bar, and Manuel da Ponte, Overseer of Works, and Joao de la Ponte, his brother, who understood it well, to view the land, and if there were stone, and if lime could be made for the work, and to bring him certitude of all.”

If this man were the same as he who went with Mascarenhas to Tetuan, he had, in all probability, not been long in India when he went to Madrefaba. This seems to show that the great tank of Krishna Deva Raya, seen in process of construction by the chronicler Paes (see p. 244), and mentioned in the text by Nunez, was not begun till at least the autumn of 1521. If so, Paes did not WRITE his description of Vijayanagar till after that date (say 1522). (See above, p. 162.)

[583] — ESPACOS. This probably means sluices or weirs.

[584] — POR NOVE ANOS DE GRACA.

[585] — NAO HA NENHU MANIMETO NEM MERCADARYAS.

[586] — The original (itself a copy) has “NESTA TERRO NAO SE SERVEM DE BESTAS PERA CARREGUAS.” I think that the words SE NAO must have been accidentally omitted before DE BESTAS, and have ventured so to render the passage.

[587] — About 3 1/2d. (?). A VINTEM is about 7 1/20d.

[588] — I have given the meaning here, not a literal translation. The writer begins: “After the death of King Crisnarao from his disease, as has been already recounted.” Then he inserts a long parenthesis which might he read: “While he was sick … he had made a will … &c….” down to … “but only one of the age of eighteen months.” Then he continues: “After his death (as I have said) Salvanay became minister,” &c….

[589] — Chandragiri.

[590] — See above, p. 315.

[591] — Achyuta.

[592] — Belgaum.

[593] — These two may perhaps be two of the three powerful brothers Rama, Tirunnala, and Venkatadri, of whom the two first married two daughters of Krishna Deva. In such case, however, they would not have been actually brothers-in-law of King Achyuta, but of his brother the late king.

[594] — A mangelin is roughly equivalent to a carat, hut actually the difference is one-fifth; 4 mangelins = 5 carats. So that 130 mangelins = 162 carats, The KOH-I-NUR, when brought to England, weighed 186 carats (See Appendix A.)

[595] — The word used is CATRE, a light bedstead, probably the origin of the modern South Indian word “cot,” for a camp bedstead.

[596] — ARQUELHA DE PRATA. ARQUELHA is a mosquito-net. Since manifestly the net itself could not be made of silver, the allusion is probably to its supports. Senhor Lopes, in a letter to me, suggests that it means the upper portion of the canopy, “LE CIEL DU LIT,” or the framework that holds the curtains, ARQUELHA being a diminutive of ARCO, a “bow” or “arch.” In this case it might mean the domed ceiling of a canopy made in Muhammadan fashion, and the curtains may have been of silk or brocade, and not of mosquito-netting.

[597] — The word used is ARMADAS. It may mean “furnished” or “hung round with cloths,” or possibly “fenced” or “fortified.”

[598] — SEUS LEQUES must be a misprint for SEIS LEQUES.

[599] — Above, pp. 121, 281, and notes.

[600] — E YSTO HE COANTO A CACA. At the present day in Southern India game-birds are sold alive, generally with the eyes sewn up.

[601] — This evidently refers to the yak-tail whisks used in the service of idols in the temples and in the palaces of nobles. On occasions of ceremony at the present day any chief or noble who has a pretension to sovereignty, or who claims descent from a line of independent lords, proclaims his dignity by the use of certain insignia, and amongst these the yak-tail fan finds place. It is one of the most graceful of ornaments. The soft white hair is set in a metal handle of brass or silver and waved slowly by an attendant. Its material object was to keep away flies.

[602] — PACHARI for PICHHAURI.

[603] — Above, p. 263.

[604] — “Silken trappings.” The original word is PATOLLAS. Later on (see p. 383), in describing the king’s dress, Nuniz writes, “OS SEUS VESTIDOS SAO PACHOIIS,” &c. Both these words probably refer to the same Canarese word, PATTUDA, “a silk cloth.” Barbosa and Pinto use it in the form PATOLA, Correa as PATOLO, and Peyton (in Purchas) as PATOLLA. (Yule and Burnell’s Glossary, S.V. PATOLA) In Telugu, PATTU = “silk.”

[605] — JUNTAS. The meaning is doubtful, but in all probability yokes of oxen are referred to. In the Canarese country these are often handsomely decorated and clothed when attached to travelling vehicles.

[606] — TERREIRO.

[607] — RODAS DE BICOS. These may perhaps have been weapons such as in England were known as “knuckledusters.”

[608] — A free translation. The original runs, “DE MANEIRA QUE O QUE FICA DE BAIXO D OUTRO MAIS FERIDO VAY, LEVA A FOGACA, QUE HE HUU PACHARIM,” &c. It seems curious that the vanquished should be rewarded. LEVA A FOGACA is literally “takes the cake.” For PACHARIM see above, p. 376 note 2.

[609] — This is he only occasion on which the chronicler gives the king his hereditary title of Raya, usually spelt RAO by the Portuguese. RAYA is the same as RAJA.

[610] — The Qutb Shah of Golkonda.

[611] — Whether true or not, this statement, coming as it does from a totally external source, strongly supports the view often held that the ryots of South India were grievously oppressed by the nobles when subject to Hindu government. Other passages in both these chronicles, each of which was written quite independently of the other, confirm the assertion here made as to the mass of the people being ground down and living in the greatest poverty and distress.

[612] — When passing through the city, probably.

[613] — MEYRINHO.

[614] — FARAZES.

[615] — SANEIS QUE ENSYNDO OS CAVALLOS.

[616] — Above, p. 361, and note.

[617] — BOIS. Hindu women of the Boyi caste. The Boyis are Telugus, and are employed as bearers of palanqueens and other domestic service in Southern India. Hence the Anglo-Indian term “Boy” for a servant.

[618] — See above, note to p. 377.

[619] — Telugu, KULLAYI. See pp. 210, 252, 273.

[620] — DE FAZEMDA. I think that the meaning is as given. It will be observed below that the kingdom was divided into provinces or estates, each one entrusted to a noble who farmed the revenue to his own advantage, paying a fixed sum every year to the king. In the case of Narvara, the treasurer of the jewels, his estate is described as “bordering on the country of Bisnaga,” and as this expression cannot refer to the entire country ruled by the king, it must be taken in a limited sense as applying to the king’s own personal lands — his home farm, so to speak. The system is well known in India, where a prince holds what are called KHAS lands, I.E. lands held privately for his own personal use and benefit, as distinct from the lands held under him by others, the revenue of which last ought to go to the public purse.

[621] — Note that Madura is not mentioned in these lists. And yet it would appear that a Nayakka, or subordinate chief of Vijayanagar, had been ruling at that place since 1499. Mr. Nelson, in his work, “The Madura Country,” gives the following list of Nayakkas there: —

A.D. Narasa Nayakka 1499 — 1500 Tenna Nayakka 1500 — 1515 Narasa Pillai (a Tamulian) 1515 — 1519 Kuru Kuru Timmappa Nayakka 1519 — 1524 Kattiyama Kamayya Nayakka 1524 — 1526 Chinnappa Nayakka 1526 — 1530 Ayyakarai Veyyappa Nayakka 1530 — 1535 Visvanatha Nayakka Ayyar 1535 — 1544

Four others are mentioned before we come to the great Visvanatha Nayakka, who founded an hereditary dynasty, though himself only a deputy of the crown. He ruled Madura from 1559 to 1563. Muttu Krishnappa (1602 — 1609) seems to have been the first to assume royal titles at Madura. His son, Muttu Virappa (1609 — 1623), is stated, in the narrative of the Portuguese writer Barradas (above, p. 230), to have paid a tribute in A.D. 1616 to the Vijayanagar king at Chandragiri of 600,000 pagodas; he had several vassal kings under him, and must have already obtained great power. It is possible that, in the time of Nuniz, Madura was not one of the greater provinces, but that it became so later.

The names Choromandel, Negapatam, and Tanjore are easy to distinguish in this list. “Bomgarin” I cannot identify, though the termination, GARIM, may represent GIRI, “mountain.” “Dapatao” may be Devipatnam. “Truguel” seems to have some affinity with Tirukovil. It cannot be the “Truguel” mentioned by Barros and others as one of the fortresses given to Asada Khan by the king of Vijayanagar (above, p. 175), because those were close to Belgaum, while this “Truguel” was in the extreme south “Caullim” may be Kayal.

[622] — Above, p. 300, note 1.

[623] — Udayagiri.

[624] — Kondavid.

[625] — Pennakonda.

[626] — (?) Kanigiri, Nellore district. Codegaral MAY represent Gandikota, the termination GIRI, “hill,” being substituted for KOTA, “fort,” E.G. GANDIGIRI.

[627] — Siddhout or Siddhavattam, Cuddapah district.

[628] — The passage is incomplete, and I have rendered it as seems reasonable. It runs, “VINTE E CIMCO MILL E QUINHENTOS DE CAVALLO E,” &c. Looking at the other lists of troops, it cannot be supposed that this chief had to provide 25,000 horse. It seems more probable that such a word as PIAES was accidentally omitted after MILL, and that MILL should have been repeated before QUINHENTOS.

[629] — Perhaps Rachol, near Goa.

[630] — Bicholim (?).

[631] — “Bengapor” as elsewhere spelt, I.E. Bankapur, south of Dharwar.

[632] — See the last sentence of the chronicle of Paes (above, p. 290), where a town “on the east” is called the new city which Krishna Deva built in honour of his favourite wife. The writer has evidently been confused in that statement, for it seems clear that the town so founded was Nagalapur, the old name for Hospett, with which it is distinctly identified in other places. This town “on the east” is said, in the sentence referred to, to bear the name “Ardegema,” and the locality is hard to determine. “East” of what? If east of Nagalapur be meant, then Ardegema or Ondegema (GEMA probably represents GRAMA, “village”) might have been a suburb of that town. If east of the capital be intended, I cannot identify the place. But these places evidently were close to the capital, bordering on the crown lands. This, I take it, is the meaning of “bordering on the lands (TERRA) of Bisnaga.”

[633] — These three places I cannot identify. “Diguoty” may perhaps be Duggavatti, in the Harpanhalli division of the Bellary district. “Darguem” suggests “Droog” or “Durgam.” The word is applied to a hill-fort, of which there are many in the neighbourhood. One of the most important was Rayadrug, south of Bellary. One of the ghat roads leading eastwards from Goa is called the “gate de Digui” in old maps.

[634] — Possibly Kalale in Mysore, a place fifteen miles south of that capital. It is said to have been founded in 1504 by a noble who was connected with the Vijayanagar royal family (Rice’s gazetteer, ii. 255).

[635] — Unidentified.

[636] — Perhaps Budehal in Mysore, which like Kalale was founded by a Vijayanagar officer, and contains several sixteenth-century inscriptions. It is in the Chittaldrug division, forty miles south of that place.

[637] — Mangalore.

[638] — Unidentified.

[639] — ROUPA. Linen cloth. The word is not used of cotton, and the next sentence shows that cotton did not grow in that tract.

[640] — I hazard the suggestion that this may be a mistake of the copyist for “Avati.” This place, now a village in the Kolar district of Mysore, was in the fifteenth century an important place, a ruling family having been founded here by the “Morasu Wokkalu” or “Seven Farmers” (Rice, “Mysore and Coorg,” ii. 20). The description applies to it fairly well.

[641] — Calicut.

[642] — Either “the ghats,” or perhaps Gutti (Goofy). The rich Vajra Karur diamond mines are about twenty miles south-west of Gooty, where are the remains of a very fine hill-fortress.

[643] — See note above, p. 368.

[644] — Mudkal.

[645] — Raichur.

[646] — I.E. of the Hindu religion, not Muhammadans.

[647] — NOVEIS in the original, probably for NOTAVEIS.

[648] — Telugus.

[649] — This was certainly not the case.

[650] — The Ganges.

[651] — Its history is known from A.D. 1304, when it was acquired by Ala-ud-Din Khilji from the Rajah of Malwa.

[652] — De Montfart’s “Survey of all the East Indies.” Translation, edition of 1615, p. 34.

[653] — Purchas, i. 218.

[654] — See Yule and Burnell’s Dictionary, S.V. “Maund.”

End of The Project Gutenberg Etext of A Forgotten Empire: Vijayanagar; A Contribution to the History of India